Suicide Ignorance
The Prevention Officer’s main role is considered the wrong approach because it does not include the point of view of the locals (Bagnall, 2011). The Prevention Officer assumes that he would be helping people at risk by encouraging them to talk to friends and family. However, this is not a native view about mental health (Silburn et al., 2011). Perhaps, the community prefers not to talk about troubling issues with friends.
The officer would have known this if he was in close contact with the community (Westerman & Hillman, 2004). One can also know that the approach is wrong because it did not involve the community’s most relevant health institution; Gidgee Healing. The operations officer of this institution was clearly discontent with the state’s approach, level of funding and commitment (Bagnall, 2011). Additionally, if the officer’s approach was right, then less suicide rates would be reported; the Aboriginal community still has alarmingly high rates of the mental problem (Bagnall, 2011).
The problem of suicide is partly historical because of the process of decolonisation that took place after 1972 when governmental control over Aboriginal matters was withdrawn (Silburn et al., 2011). Most of these communities were left with few resources, services or infrastructure to work with. Therefore, they became economically and socially isolated.
Many of them found identity and purpose in their families, but when these structures disintegrated, then they became frustrated Aboriginals have also lacked minimal access to education thus making them economically disempowered (Westerman & Hillman, 2004). Persistence deaths in their community have also made many of them stuck in grief (Westerman & Hillman, 2004). Even continuous lack of mentors or support structures has complicated the problem (Silburn et al., 2011).
A culturally appropriate way of helping the people of Mt. Isa would be to collaborate with traditional helpers in treatment. Community members can be sensitised about the symptoms of potential suicide and how to deal with the condition. Creation of gatekeepers in the community would also assist in suicide prevention (Westerman & Hillman, 2004)
Aboriginal Health Council
Celebrating 10 years of community control indicates how empowered Aboriginals have been about their health (Craig, 2011). It shows that members of the organisation have worked with local communities to serve their healthcare needs. Community control implies that health needs are fully understood and accommodated depending on the issues at hand (Northern Territory, 2012).
The term “Our health, our choice, our way” implies that medical services can reach Aboriginals in a culturally appropriate way (Craig, 2011). It is also signifies that the health services are accessible and in reasonable numbers in order to provide them with a choice. Additionally, this slogan also denotes that health treatments are presented in a way that is relevant to them (Craig, 2011). For instance, when dealing with mental illness, practitioners recognise that spirituality is vital in recovery (Craig, 2011).
The term ‘Our health’ may also signify that diseases in this community are being addressed with immediacy (Sullivan, 2010). Certain chronic illnesses like diabetes and asthma are prevalent in the community in disproportionate numbers, so they should be at the centre of medical practice (Sullivan, 2010).
Aboriginal community-controlled health organisations are crucial in closing the gap because they attempt to correct historical injustices (Northern Territory, 2012). Aboriginals have been the victims of racism, intense intervention and scrutiny by the government. This has propagated mistrust between the community and government. Many sick individuals may not have confidence or knowledge of state-controlled health services (Craig, 2011). Additionally, workers in state-controlled health centres have minimal engagement with locals, so they may not understand the root causes of their problem. Making health service community-controlled empowers locals by providing them with relevant solutions to their health problems (Northern Territory, 2012).
The truth about Toomelah
The community Development Employment Program was thriving because it was created solely for the Toomelah community. These individuals did not have to compete with members of other communities to get jobs (The Tracker, 2012). Several Aboriginals struggle to find employment outside because of rampant racism (Hudson, 2008). The program was successful because it offered members of the community social services that the government had failed to provide (The Tracker, 2012).
Issues such as night patrol, cleaning and presence of community stores were managed by locals during the program (The Tracker, 2012). Community safety was improved because the CDEP program provided night patrol. The state of hygiene and overall outlook of the streets was promising because CDEP members took care of the cleaning and cared for street lights (Hudson, 2008). It was also successful because the community did not have many sources of employment; this was their only hope for finding a job (The Tracker, 2012).
Employment relates to positive health outcomes because it minimises one’s exposure to risky behaviour (Australian Government, 2012). Community members do not have engage in alcoholism when they are employed because they have better things to with their time (Hudson, 2008). The use and sell of drugs for recreation and as a source of income can be quite tempting to unemployed people. It is a known fact that alcohol and drugs predispose individuals to direct health risks like liver cirrhosis, cancer, stroke, hypertension, and diabetes (Australian Government, 2012).
Drug dependence also exposes one to indirect risks such as street fights and gang violence that may injure an individual. Employment minimises the need to engage in crime and thus promotes safety and wellbeing (Hudson, 2008). When employment is rampant, locals can receive social services that ensure strict hygiene. As a result, many of them will not contract water borne diseases or other communicable illnesses (Australian Government, 2012).
Aboriginal spirituality and healing
Traditional healers teach medical practitioners the importance of a holistic approach to treatment (NIT, 2012). Unlike modern doctors who only consider the physical element of an illness, traditional healers will look into other dimensions of a patient’s life before they can make a diagnosis (NIT, 2012). They acknowledge the importance of spirituality and culture, as well. Medical practitioners can learn about such an approach from them.
Traditional healing practices are an important way of preserving Aboriginal culture (Hillenbrand, 2006). Modern health providers need to acknowledge the importance of these rituals in maintaining tradition and they should, therefore, give it the respect it deserves. Traditional healers can promote cultural safety by informing locals about proper nutrition especially among mothers and infants (WHO, 1995).
They can also ensure safety by facilitating home deliveries and giving family planning advice (Hillenbrand, 2006). Since many locals die of endemic diseases, traditional healers can talk about the importance of locally–made oral rehydration drink, mosquito nets as well as malnutrition (WHO, 1995).. In traditional healing clinics, individuals can promote safety by providing wash basins and water for hand washing (WHO, 1995).
Many locals approach local healers for economic reasons. As a health professional, I would work on projects or initiatives designed to provide affordable healthcare (Hillenbrand, 2006). Also, Aboriginals trust and identify with traditional healers; I would attempt to attain this level of trust by interacting and incorporating native perspectives in healthcare provision (NIT, 2012). When traditional healers work hand in hand with health professionals, the former group can avoid using dangerous practices on patients. A case in point is the use of strong purges for the treatment of diarrhoea. In the future, I would urge traditional healers to refer patients to health clinics if symptoms seem severe (Hillenbrand, 2006). However, such referrals would only occur if a high level of cooperation already exists.
Lateral violence
History plays a large role in perpetuating lateral violence because of the issue of stolen generations. Many Aboriginals grew up in children’s homes with no loving caregivers. They do not understand what it means to be loving parents and thus perpetuate the same cycle of abuse or violence against their own children (Butler, 2012). Additionally, society has disenfranchised aboriginals in employment (Butler, 2012).
The few who make it feel threatened by their fellow aboriginals and thus treat them in a hostile manner. Historically, members of other races have degraded Aboriginals and questioned their heritage or affiliation to the group due to their appearance or their experiences (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2011). The same is now going on among members of this community because one must proof that one is ‘black enough’ to access services or belong to the group (Butler, 2012).
Additionally, the people of this community have historically lacked access to public services (Wingard, 2012). Basic rights have been treated as favours with regard to the group. The same mentality has infiltrated Aboriginals who base decisions made in public facilities on nepotism and favouritism (Butler, 2012).
Lateral violence affects all society by denying equal opportunity to people who deserve it. Instead of allocating resources to the most qualified, resources are taken to those with the right connections and this minimises efficiency. The practice undermines development because it continues to marginalise a segment of the population (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2011). Diseases that should have been eradicated will continue to exist because of blocked access to healthcare. Lateral violence perpetuates the cycle of poverty and thus predisposes them to crime (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2011). The rest of society will be affected by the prevalence of this problem.
One can reduce lateral violence by providing services to all aboriginals regardless of who they are and by refusing to participate in the practice when one expects entitlements that stems from lateral violence (Butler, 2012).
References
Australian Government (2012). Community Development Employment Projects Program. Web.
Australian Human Rights Commission (2011). Indigenous communities must address lateral violence. Web.
Bagnall, G. (2011). Suicide Ignorance, National Indigenous Times, 17.
Butler, B. (2012). Lateral violence. Web.
Craig, J. (2011). Aboriginal Health Council SA celebrates 10 Years of Community Control. Web.
Hillenbrand, E. (2006). Improving traditional-conventional medicine collaboration: perspectives from Cameroonian traditional practitioners. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 15(1), 1-15.
Hudson, S. (2008). CDEP: Help or Hindrance, CIS Policy Monograph, NSW, 86
NIT (2012). Aboriginal spirituality and healing. Opinion, 15.
Northern Territory (2012). Government Pathways to community control. Web.
Silburn, S., Glaskin, B., Henry, D. & Drew, N. (2011). Preventing suicide among Indigenous Australians. Web.
Sullivan, P. (2010). The Aboriginal community sector and the effective delivery of services: Acknowledging the role of Indigenous sector organisations. DKCRC Working Paper 73, Desert Knowledge CRC, Alice Springs.
The Tracker (2012). The truth about Toomelah. Web.
Westerman, T. & Hillman S. (2004) A best practice model of community-driven prevention. Web.
WHO (1995). Traditional practitioners as primary healthcare workers. Web.
Wingard, B. (2012). A conversation with lateral violence. Narrative Therapy and Community Work, 2010(1), 13-17.