Islam and Politics: Modernity Challenges Essay

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Updated: Mar 12th, 2024

Introduction

Debates about the role of Islamic women in the political arena have been a subject of controversy and disagreement. In respect to women in Islamic societies concerning politics, scholars and scientists have provided two approaches that are eminent to the issue. One tends to examine the women’s roles, their activities and areas of policies and laws as dictated by the state.

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This approach focuses on women’s rights of citizenship and claims on social goods either from an individual or a family perspective. The other approach focuses on the literature in politics. This entails the participation of women in political processes, formal politics, office-holding and voting rights.

Another point of focus is on the political movements’ engagements and collective actions as feminists as well as other pro-women organizations that delve on gender, equality and women representation in political fields (Hashem, 2006, p. 1).

Formal Politics

In formal politics, as described in the second approach above, cumulative literature on Muslim women has it that most women are greatly unaware of the subject of politics as it pertains to them. A good example is presented in the gulf state of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait where women are not allowed to vote (Zine, 2004, p. 1).

Therefore, this gives a great reflection and debate on the variability across Islam with respect to women participation in government, economic development and politics either as decision makers or as parliamentarians. This variability has led to a number of revolutionaries within the context of political representation of women.

This revolution can be earmarked from the venerable Inter-parliamentary Union which was founded in the late 1880’s and is currently linked to the United Nations System. The organization has a number of records pertaining to documents on conventional political science and office holding by women.

Studies have shown that women are underrepresented politically in the Islamic society. For instance, in 2005, only 15.8% of seats were held by women. Although this percentage reflected an increase in women positions in politics over the years, it is still low compared to other developed economies where women are well represented in politics and are free of discrimination.

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Arab countries exhibit the lowest average of female parliamentarians, with only 7.7% representation (Hanieh, 2008, p. 1). Such kind of statistical findings prove that there is an enormous deficit of female parliamentarians and legislators within the Muslim countries.

Though there have been a number of females heading high government posts such as Benazir Bhutto (Prime Minister in Pakistan), Hasina Wazed (Prime Minister in Bangladesh), Madior Boye (Prime Minister in Senegal) among others, there is still room for more representation of women in governments.

Researchers and interest groups who seek or have sought to undertake studies in politics among Muslims have used the few women in high positions and studied their lives and how they acquired such powerful and influential positions within their states. The aim of these studies is to provide a better understanding on the provisions and limitations of women involvement in politics within the Islamic world.

By exploring their circumstances and context through which they acquired such leadership roles, the studies also assist in detailing the real mechanisms under which they acquired and exercise their powers. The studies also seek to understand whether these women in their capacity tend to independently strike the debate on women’s interests in politics as well as their advocacy on the same issue.

Women’s Activities in National Processes, Development and Rights

Due to the relatively low participation of Muslim women in formal politics, women have turned into other forms of political participation which include: social movements, political parties, feminists groups and the like. Three phases define the context of women in politics.

The first phase evolved over two decades ago where women were mobilized and incorporated within their nations’ modern projects of decolonization, nation/state construction and economic development (Offenhauer, 2005, p. 1). According to Zine (2004), women who were organized as groups in localities such as Mena, South Asia and South-East Asia participated in liberalizing their nations as well as in nation building.

They simultaneously engaged on matters regarding gender policies and equality. However, women were seen to be given head lights in matters pertaining to their legal and political rights but this was just but a mere legal justification.

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This is precisely because the gap in gender parity continued to widen as national development and progress was at the epicenter of government concern and not women. Therefore, their plight was still minimal within the legislation.

The second phase took place after women realized that their issues and interests were not of priority to the state in the 1980s. Various autonomous groups were formed by women so as to propel their gender issues to the front as well as advance in their participation in politics. They ranged from secular leftists on one end and Islamic movements on the other. Other advocacy groups also came about as a result of the political parity.

Secular leftists coupled with their secular liberals found the actions by states to be limiting to women. This was proven by the fact that the states had interests in mobilizing women but in the family aspects rather than the political view. The major factor was the fact that Islamism and globalization was on the rise and this ditched women’s interests even further.

These detrimental effects saw the formulation of more independent and more vowed feminist agendas (Paidar, 2001, p. 1). These agendas cropped up as a result of the heightened global feminism charter which was a movement coined within the United Nations. The international women’s movement took center stage in world conferences and NGO forums.

The un-raveling of such an agenda was meant to spike women-vested groups to come out strongly in the open and push on the agenda of women interests across the world.

This led to formation of a number of secular feminists-mobilized groups within the Muslim aimed at addressing the advancement of women’s issues within governments. These groups coupled with those of other women within the framework of faith were referred to as feminists.

The third phase came in the 1990s. Since then, the agenda has been the role of women within states and politics which is seen to cut across women activists focusing on rights and religion. Women in the Muslim society have been pressing for their advancement.

This phase is also correlated with a continued increase in the types of groups that are committed and dedicated to propel as well as improve the lives of women in the Muslim dominated states. These groups range from advocacy groups to charitable women’s groups (Elies, 2010, p. 1).

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This phase is often seen as the platform where the modernization of reforms within Islamic interpretation of law and Quran is based and it seeks to serve a majority and not biased to the minority.

Feminism and Women Politics agenda

The standing debate among feminists among Muslims, the concepts behind veiling and the identity of Islam regarding orientalism, Universalists and cultural relativism still remain detached among the scholars and activists. The topic of women’s role in politics still remains a contentious debate which calls for balance and clarity on the same.

The agenda of feminism has two extremists; one explores the possibilities within Islam such as the theological part and the other looks at the Islamic framework. The latter group seeks to challenge the secular trends within Islam as well as the social forces behind it. It strongly stands against continued misrepresentation of women in the political and equality concepts as long as Islam is still in place.

The group is mainly comprised of scholars who are Western-educated and leftists. As outlined earlier on the three phases that led women to politics, studies on women and gender within the Islamic societies were uniformly critical in the 1980s but they hatched into more specific and women oriented interests and agendas such as politics, policy reforms and shifts in the 1990s (Afzal-Khan, ND, p. 1).

Most Muslim women activists were the main drivers. As the debate developed, it completed its final state as Islamic Feminism in February 1994. This was meant to be a reform movement that sought to open up a debate and dialogue between religious feminists and secular feminists.

According to Menisci (2006), for women issues to be resolved, four key main areas need to be addressed. They are; religion, culture, law and education. These stand to be the most compelling domain issues that limit or rather deter women’s development.

The platform for dialogue between feminists of a secular nature and those of religious view seeks to charter a common ground within the two and strike an understanding on the legal standings/status of women as well as their rightful social positions. This dialogue is meant to strike a balance and refrain from the ancient hostile division between secular and religious views and thoughts among Islamic women activists and reformers.

The outcome of the Islamism in the modern world has spiked the gender consciousness among Muslims. Women have become more aware of their rights to representation and discrimination in politics which pass on legislations which they deem as bias.

They are therefore seeking justice and reforms in matters pertaining to their activities in public and private presentation, their human rights and their definite roles within a myriad of circles ranging from policy making, national development and politics.

The contradictions which are eminent within the Islamic discourse and the latent emerging consciousness among women have led to a number of changes in the Islamic laws such as the divorce law in 1992 (Eltantawy, 2007, p. 1).

This law has seen divorce become more costly to men and less accessible. This shows the magnitude at which the feminism spirit is gaining root within the Muslim world. Women no longer keep it to themselves but rather they are more aware of their rights and oppression points by the state.

It is therefore eminent that women are now in a position to renegotiate gender roles and codes through formation of various groups. The aim of these groups is to bring change to Islamic politics in regard to women (Menisci, 2006, p. 206). Strategists upon which Muslim women are using to counter their oppression and misrepresentation within the political context target two key proponents.

One is the internal patriarchal system and the other is the external force that threatens cultural and national boundaries of people. The Islamic feminism agenda seeks to describe a movement that seeks to maintain religious beliefs and at the same time, trying to promote the egalitarian ethics of Islam. Therefore, there is the need for women to distinguish between promotion of women rights and the totalitarian of Islamism.

The reformists who seek to interpret the religious law in tandem with promoting women’s rights are more inclined to the holistic social change. There is need to understand that the gender ideology within the Muslim society is spanning on a capitalistic system that requires sexual disintegrations that will accommodate the women’s demands.

Though this may divert attention to the gains on women’s interests, the main areas of focus should be on societal, economic, cultural and social conditions that seek to strengthen the legitimacy of Islamic system with women at the epicenter of these changes and legislatives.

The most pressing issue among women is the fact that their attention should be merely focused on the political and economic issues which are the main propellers in passage of any legislation.

A kiln ear to issues pertaining to governance, religion, societal, economic and political policies should be well versed, interpreted and understood by women in these activist groups so as to put them in a position to defend and promote their advancements within their rightful spots in governments.

In terms of interpreting the Quran and at the same time complying to the laid down state laws among Muslims, women’s position on political and economic issues remained under-pinned, unclear and under developed (Menisci, 2006, p. 209). Tenets of democracy, civil society, equality among women and religious minorities still remain un-defined within the feminism groups.

For example, when concentrating on the precepts of building civil society, there is need to understand and identify a specific kind of state. This is a society that embarks to enforce legal norms and is dedicated to protecting human rights without regard to gender. It also seeks to promote religion that is common to all as well as promote gender equality and sensible judgments within the confinements of law.

This calls for a legitimate strategy that will not contradict the common laws as well as religious laws while captivating the spirit of women within politics. Thus, a moderate approach upon which the status of women in the society can be changed is needed.

The approach also needs to take into consideration the rising modernized religious thoughts that people tend to interpret words and meanings differently compared to the ancient times. This paradigm shift within the height of globalization, power and politics has seen a lot of revolutionary thought patterns within realms of social, economic and political classes in that people are more subjected to the world conformities.

This is a pressing issue among the Islamists because the minority groups are becoming more aware of oppression and are creating platforms to push on their agendas on their rights’ violation thus seeking their respectable places within their society. This is so eminent among women across the Muslim dominated regions that are in a position to distinguish between the religious doctrines from laws, policies and institutions.

Their inspiration has been from Western feminism. The elite-learned Muslim women are pressing the agenda further and fighting for the rights of their counterparts on basis of education, religion, gender equality and a fair representation in the government. Politics provide a good platform for such deliberations within the Muslim society for it gives women in power more energy and backing as they lobby for such a revolution.

Conclusion

The debate on the role of women in politics serves to prove the increased proliferation of activists and groups spanning on the same agenda. Since there has been a misrepresentation in the political scenes, there have been a number of various regional manifestations which are part of the political philosophy of feminism and social movement among Muslim women (Kandiyoti, ND, p. 1).

This has led to feminism being at the center of scholars who continuously seek to find the gaps and solutions to the pressing issues of women, their representation in the political processes and their engagement in economic development.

The issue of women in politics should be a major agenda among the political elite, social scientists, lawyers, reformists and legislators among the Muslims. This is because pressing issues such as equality in context of Islamism is on the edge and at the same time, modernization and globalization of politics is another contradicting measure.

Thus, the two parting issues which are at the helm of bringing women’s interests to par need to be addressed first. Therefore, as women representation among Muslims continues to gain root, then an increased participation of women and clear definite rules on equality will emerge giving women harmony with the religious and state laws.

This will curb oppression activities and tendencies within states thus eliminating discrimination. Hence, women will see their rightful position within religious, societal, economical and political areas restored.

Reference List

Afzal-Khan, F. “Bridging the gap between the so-called post colonial and minority women of color: a comparative methodology for third world feminist literary criticism”. Web.

Elies, S. (2010) “”. Web.

Eltantawy, M. (2007) “U.S. newspaper representation of Muslim and Arab women post 9/11”. Communication dissertations, paper 18. Web.

Hanieh, H. (2008) “”. Women and politics. Web.

Hashem, M. (2006) “”. Sociology of Religion 2006, 67:1 23-41. Web.

Kandiyoti, D. “Women and Islam: What are the missing terms”. Islam and the state. Web.

Menisci, F. “Muslim women and fundamentalists”. Ed. Kamrava, Mehran. (2006). . Web.

Offenhauer, P. (2005) “Women in Islamic societies: a selected review of social scientific Literature”. The library of congress. Web.

Paidar, P. (2001) “Gender democracy”. The encounter between feminists and reformists in contemporary Iran. Web.

Zine, J. (2004) “Creating a critical faith-centered space for antiracist feminism”. Reflections of a Muslim scholar activist. Web.

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IvyPanda. 2024. "Islam and Politics: Modernity Challenges." March 12, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/islam-and-politics-modernity-challenges-essay/.

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IvyPanda. "Islam and Politics: Modernity Challenges." March 12, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/islam-and-politics-modernity-challenges-essay/.

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