Introduction
Islamic law has always been different from the Western one. The problem appeared to be sharp, in particular, with arising of feminism movement in the western world and the increase of the women’s influence on social, political and economic life. Islamic law has always been strange for Western world, especially the attitude to a woman. Considering the work The Politics of Feminism in Islam by Anouar Majid written in 1998, it should be noticed that the main point of this article is the Muslim feminism and the relation of West and Islam to it. It is impossible to reject that these two opinions are absolutely different. Protecting the Islamist position on Muslim feminism, Anouar Majid lighted on a number of different ideas why Islam people should follow their religion and do not allow the West implementing their laws in the culture they do not understand absolutely. We are going to present three best arguments, in personal opinion, that defend the Islamist position on Muslim feminism.
Main body
First of all, Majid is sure that Islamic laws are unique and they must never be changed because of the other nations’ will. The Islamic culture is considered to be one of the most ancient and the formation of cultural consciousness appears to be “firmly in mind of all times” (Majid 353). It is impossible to restrict the whole nation to obedience of the other rules. Dwelling upon historical formation of Islamic ideas, the author of the article pointed to the “parameters of the faith” (Majid 353). The parameters of Islamic faith are strict, they come to the modern times from ancient ones and people should honor this inheritance. Traditionally, it is accepted that women are restricted to men and it is impossible to ruin this consideration. Tradition is one of the main components of religion that influences it greatly. If it is accepted traditionally that women should have some special position in Islamic society, so it is not simple and the rules must be followed. Children were taught by their parents, their parents were taught by their parents and so forth, it is impossible to eradicate people’s beliefs. Therefore, Islamic society should revere their faith and laws and do not assimilate them to Western tradition, especially in the relation to women.
Second, the author tries to protect the Islamic position on Muslim feminism via opinion that all attacks on Muslim relation to women are unhistorical and do not have any backgrounds. Taking the example of Western and Islamic authors who support the same ideas, the author states that all they try to present is wrong. Analyzing some works of mentioned authors, Majid is frustrated as he cannot understand how the notion of “individual” can be related to “the spiritual and socioeconomic welfare of the community” (Majid 347). In other words, dwelling upon the necessity of making men and women equal and that this disbalance of rights leads to rights violation, Western people do not understand that they violate history, turn around facts and try to destroy the mode of life that is properly arranged and satisfies the most of the society.
Third, the Muslim feminism movement may be understood as the pressure with the political and economical aims. The author tries to state that the desire of the Western countries to change religion beliefs of Islamic society has only the political coloring. The West is dissatisfied that Islamic religion influence becomes so widespread. Thus, the idea of feminism is a great opportunity to dwell upon inhumane and undemocratic canons of the other religion, in spite of the fact, it has nothing to do with the sincere desire to help.
Familiarizing oneself with Comment on Majid’s ‘The Politics of Feminism in Islam’ by Ann Elizabeth Mayer, it may be stated that she tries to explain some ideas presented in Majid’s article. Reading it, the double opinion is created; on the one hand, the author supports his position, on the pother protests, naming Majid’s writing “decidedly eccentric glosses on the few sections of Islam and Human Rights he has apparently skimmed” (Mayer 376). Analyzing Suad Joseph’s critique of Majid’s article, it is significant to notice that one of the main points of it was the fact that he managed “to recognize many of [his] own critiques of the same social/economic/cultural/political processes in the service of a very different visions” (Joseph 363). Joseph is sure that Majid used his ideas and presented them absolutely changed. The whole article is based on the comparison of his personal ideas and those lighted on by Majid. Great many of different notions in the article criticize the author and his inability to understand the main point. Moreover, Joseph disagrees with a number of statements restructured by Majid in his article and those which have rather abstract meaning without specification (Joseph 365).
After a deep analysis of Majid’s article and the critiques on it, it is possible to form one of the strongest ideas that are stated. Islam is a strange culture and most people just do not understand it. This misunderstanding does not allow them criticizing Islamic world and argues its attitude to women. One of the strongest sides of the Majid’s defense of the Islamic position on Muslim feminism is his discussion of people’s misunderstanding of values. He writes that “Now, then, is the time to dispel the entrenched belief that the religion of Islam acts as a barrier to women’s fulfillment outside of men’s arbitrary control” (Majid 353). It must be agreed that most people have superficial knowledge of Islamic culture and consider women as prisoners there, while it is not really true. Women in Islam have a sector of rights, still, they are not allowed to show their bodies and must be restricted to men that is absolutely different in Western culture.
There are great many of reasons why people become activists. Some of them may be motivated either by personal intentions or they may be injured with the social disbalance and injustice. Taking the example of Huda Shaaravi, it is possible to state that there were two kinds of reasons, personal and social to become an activist. The first reason was her divorce. She was for seven years alone and had time to understand that a woman could survive in Islamic world alone. Moreover, Huda managed to strive to have a child with her. This was one of the main reasons for her to become an activist. Being alone, Huda Shaaravi had time to understand that women are able to perform male work and it influenced her greatly.
Still, personal considerations were not the only ones. In addition, it was not enough for her to become an activist only because of personal feeling of injustice. British Protectorate on Egypt in 1914 was the next key event that influenced Huda Shaaravi. She was already the part of the social activists’ movement that was directed to women equality. After reading Huda Shaaravi’s memories, one significant event was noticed. She writes, “I was especially fond of Shikh Ali al-Laithi… He showed no favoritism between my brother and me, which made me love him all the more” (Shaarawi & Badran 46). The information is significant. It shows that feminism instincts were inherent in her.
Considering the family live of this woman, nothing significant is noticed. Still, relating this inborn passion to equality of male and female rights and to her being divorced and living alone, it should be concluded that Huda became an activist because of personal intentions and inner motivations.
Walah’s rule is notion that means the support of the country from the side of society with their own oppressive behavior and actions. In other words, Walah’s rule supports oppression and other types of tyranny in the society and nothing is done to eradicate evils. There are great many of different examples of Walah’s rule in the Islamic society.
Relating the Walah’s rule to the situation in Kuwait, the persistence of patriarchy in the country may be easily explained. First of all it must be stated that Kuwait is an Islamic country. Being familiarized with some specifics in Islamic countries, we should stress that religion plays a crucial role there. People are restricted to religion laws and cannot imagine their life without it. To understand the whole devotion to religion, it is possible to consider Kuwait’s society’s special relation to women and their rights. Indeed, the modern tendencies have influenced the attitude to women in Kuwait. Thus, notwithstanding, they have a number of restrictions that are adopted by patriarchy, such the restriction of working hours for women, working in male company, drinking and others.
It is commonly accepted that patriarchy laws and commands are must to follow. The persistence of patriarchy in Kuwait’s society is explained by religion that is considered to be oppressive. This is exactly what the Walah’s rule announces and society does not try to combat it as they consider it correct and the only right. Living in the Islamic society, people cannot imagine any other situation development. These rules in the combination with persistence of patriarchy are not argued as the tradition to follow the canons has been delivered from one generation to the other.
Conclusion
To my opinion, patriarchy exploits the situation. It is obvious that strange people cannot adequately judge the situation and give some advice. Still, the Walah’s rule is considered to be wrong, from my personal opinion as it is impossible to keep people in oppression as it violates human rights. Religion in Islamic society has unrestricted power and it gives it an opportunity to keep people in fear as wrong action leads to punishment. The other rule, rule of obedience should be invented, where people will be encouraged to good actions and obedience not via the feeling of fear but via good intentions. So, it may be concluded that the Walah’s rule guides the persistence of patriarchy in Kuwait. The rule is rather oppressive and cruel in some content, hence, it should be restricted to obedience law, where power is directed to other actions.
Works Cited
Joseph, Suad. “Comment on Majid’s ‘The Politics of Feminism in Islam’: Critique of Politics and the Politics of Critique.” Signs 23.2 (1998): 363-369. Print.
Majid, Anouar. “The Politics of Feminism in Islam.” Signs 23.2 (1998): 321-361. Print.
Mayer, Ann Elizabeth. “Comment on Majid’s ‘The Politics of Feminism in Islam’.” Signs 23.2 (1998): 369-377. Print.
Shaarawi, Huda and Margot Badran. Harem years: the memoirs of an Egyptian feminist (1879-1924). New York: Feminist Press, 1987. Print.