The World Congress of Families Essay

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The World Congress of Families (WFC) is a transnational non-governmental organization (NGO) aimed at promoting the traditional heterosexual family model and conservative gender roles while also opposing abortion, surrogacy, same-sex marriage, and any other egalitarian policies. Founded by public figures from Russia and the United States in 1995, the World Congress of Families has become an international NGO headquartered in the United States, first at the Howard Center for Family, Religion & Society in Rockford, Illinois, and now in Washington, D.C. The VCS represents the right-conservative wing of American Christianity that has gone global (Stoeckl, 2020). Despite its roots in the American Christian right, twenty years after its inception, the UCC has become a worldwide organization with partners in many countries, mainly in Europe. In these countries, the pro-family agenda of the WCC has had some influence on both political and religious life, thus going beyond the mere promotion of conservative family values.

The group in question is trying to legalize its activities through government and international organizations and increase the number of participants. Relying on the UN charter, the congress of families, the program for young people, and the media, the group actively promotes traditional family values. These levers allow them to rationalize their rejection of the LGBTQ+ community while remaining unpunished. The organization’s website is a replica of the UN website, styled appropriately to make its actions well-intentioned and legitimate. It contains many sections on Christian values and the family to emphasize the special connection between the two and to increase its pressure on the object of hatred. The organizers tried to do without aggressive slogans and blue colors to make it look like a good organization that tries to protect traditional values legally.

After reviewing the data collected by the Southern Poverty Center and looking at most of the sections that relate to maps and incidents, several conclusions can be drawn. First, the number of hate groups is declining in 2022 compared to 2021, which is positive. Second, most organizations are concentrated in the southern states, which have low economic indicators and were originally former slave territories. Both factors demonstrate the positives and negatives of the U.S. government’s work to reduce hate and increase tolerance. However, traditions persist and do not embrace democratic values (Center, 2020). In the southern states, Republican candidates almost always win, which is logical since anti-democratic sentiments are vital in the mentioned regions.

Potential employers need to be aware of current organizations to interact with them and to hire members of various hate movements who do not pose a public threat. Owners and managers need to pay attention to societal demands and find a response with labor organizations in their enterprises. Employees, in turn, need to feel supported by their employers, but at the same time, not violate corporate ethics when they are members of a hate group. Regular contact between all stakeholders is the key to the organization’s success.

Managers at all levels need to be able to counteract negative attitudes within the team and to try to negotiate with all parties to the conflict. This position and function allow for dialogue to be built between employees and business owners. It is necessary to take into account the interests of all groups represented in the organization and timely dismiss or reprimand those participants who behave incompetently and violate the microclimate of the team. It is challenging to counteract hate groups, but it is possible to negotiate and cooperate with them in the long term to avoid bullying and dangerous situations during the work process.

References

Center, S. P. L. (2020). Family Separation under the Trump Administration: A Timeline. Southern Poverty Law Center, 17.

Stoeckl, K. (2020). The rise of the Russian Christian Right: the case of the World Congress of Families. Religion, State & Society, 48(4), 223-238.

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