The educational sector of Canada expects “knowledge economy” to be fulfilled only with “post secondary education” for presently Canadian higher education is witnessing revolution (Davies & Hammack, 2005). The reason for a revolutionary post secondary education is none other than the realisation that Canada cannot rely upon its traditional activities for acquiring natural resources as natural resources are going through exploitation. Now, it has no other option than to look upon its educated younger generation for a prosperous economy. It is this generation that uphold the required ‘qualified workforce’ (Madore, 1992).
According to a World Bank report, more than half of the students enrolled in higher education worldwide belong to developing countries (World Bank, 2000). Research and assumption also reveals that among 65 million students who enrolled in colleges and universities in 1991 will grow to 97 million by 2015 (World Bank, 2000). With such an enormous educational market, it is little wonder that how come despite extending access and strengthening the quality of higher education as key national priorities of governments across much of the developing world, international students ratio is increasing gradually in developed countries. This intensified interest in higher education is driven by demographics, politics, economic challenges, the changing nature of the workplace, and national pride. Yet, at the same time, many governments are facing serious economic constraints and intensified competition for public funds from other sectors that are limiting their ability to respond solely by investing more money in campus construction, faculty salaries, and student stipends. Government and education leaders across much of the developing world are intensively engaged in a search for more creative and at the same time less expensive ways to extend and improve post secondary higher education (Chapman & Austin, 2002, p. 3). This is for two reasons: First, the Government supporting post secondary higher education in developing countries does not want their share of revenue to be acquired by the developed nations. Secondly, they are aware of the educational market potential. Therefore all they want is to provide the best while utilising the least resources.
Present Role of Higher Education Institutions in the Developing World
Higher education reform has always depended on the Governmental support for how much and to what extent improvement the Government takes in order to manage capacity within the institutions. This has led not only the citizens but also the institutions to think an array of partnering arrangements between institutions in different parts of the world. Though globalisation has revolutionised post-secondary education in different forms, either in the form of university linkage online projects or by conducting administrative training workshops and tutorials, but still there is a need for strengthening the management and instructional functions of the participating institutions of the developing world (Chapman & Claffey, 1998). These efforts where on one hand has tended to concentrate on helping colleges and universities develop stronger budgeting systems, enrolment management systems, student and facilities tracking systems, course credit policies, and procedures for systematic curriculum design, on the other hand it has made the Institutions to think in what ways they can manage to shape their external relationship with Government.
While many of these efforts have been successful and will continue to be needed in the developing countries, the main challenge of the next decade centres on how institutions define their relationship with Governments as well as with citizens. Unravelling factors that account for the apparently intractable problems in widening access to higher education among disadvantaged developing nations has preoccupied the national educational press in recent times. Many comments have pointed to the deterrent effects of the changes in funding support for students and the introduction of tuition fees. With more emphasis on ways and means of supporting higher education, low participation has been noticed in contributing towards those factors responsible for identifying the solution.
According to the National Audit Office (NAO) report (2002), higher education institutions do not make their conditions for funding and support strong. Instead they blame low entry rates from non-traditional groups on relatively poor examination performance at A level or equivalent among working class pupils. The NAO report (2002) has shown that a significant proportion of universities in England make discrimination on the basis of students from working class and disadvantaged backgrounds. The report also suggest that qualified working class applicants were 30 per cent less likely to be offered a place at some universities than their counterparts from higher socioeconomic groups. Correlation with social class is very rare and social class differences became apparent again at the end of higher education, in the form of disparities in the earning power of people with equivalent qualifications on entering the labour market. Graduates from social classes IV and V earned on average 7 per cent less than graduates from social class I (Hayton & Paczuska, 2002, p. 40).
The debate makes us to think that does post secondary education allows the students to contribute to the local and global market? as access to affordable higher education is not granted to every one.
Setting up a target area of 50 percent of young people participating in post-secondary education before the age of 30 is simply not enough. It requires a framework of policy which should primarily focus on four strands:
- Initiatives to expand the overall supply of higher education places;
- To provide adequate funds for updating higher education institutions so that non-traditional learners find it easier to participate;
- Introducing all non-traditional learners with all initiatives to apply for higher education
- This would encourage them to bring in a new two-year foundation degree.
The Challenges
Among the major challenges in areas of post-compulsory education, is the expansion of education centres and institutions. No doubt, the Government is committing itself primarily to a ‘supply-side’ strategy which is focusing broadly on the supply of provision to stimulate learner demand, but still the historical analysis of student participation reveals that trends in higher education sustain expansion when effective demand for learning has been generated (Hodgson and Spours, 2000). Up till now, the largest rise in higher educational participation is seen in UK in the late 1980s and early 1990s and that was due to large rises in post-16 participation and achievement. It was also due to the changes in occupational structure leading to increased demand for post graduate degrees (HEFCE, 2001).
In the present scenario, universities and institutions are experiencing a shortfall of demand for places. This make us think seriously about the future prospects of success for supply-side approaches. The reason for experiencing high ‘drop-out’ rates is largely due to the fact that universities expect from their students to attain high level grades as a pre requirement for entering the universities. As a result where the students with relatively low previous levels of attainment and from more diverse social groups should go? Such students from developing countries have no option left than to live at home or to get involve in the local labour market. In this case they would face a range of external pressures but without clear signals from employers that they value higher education qualifications (HEFCE, 2001).
In order to reach the target for achieving higher education expansion, Government has to rely both on stimulating participation and achievement in secondary phase of higher education. Increasing the demand among those in their early-20s in the workplace is another way to undertake a form of part-time higher education. By considering the above mentioned approaches, the Government will not only reach its target but would also encourage participants in higher education in all social compositions. Institutions have had to trim budgets, reduce program offerings, and hire additional staff to meet these increasing state-based accountability measures. The mixed funding past and uncertain futures which juxtapose to create increased accountability have caused many institutions to agree to and participate in ‘quid pro quo’ relationships with their state legislatures. Many institutions have agreed to ‘incentive’ funding programs if certain state goals are met. These quid pro quo relationships seem to be a way for developing states and institutions to keep the forces of tighter budgets and increased accountability from colliding. In many states, examples of more stringent accountability measures, such as increased efficiency and effectiveness and graduation policies reducing time to completion are now common reporting requirements in today’s higher-education environment (Losco, 2000, p. 110).
Equity
Improving post secondary educational outcomes uphold two approaches: equity and efficiency. Equity is all about the educational concern, whether the distribution of educational outcomes would be able to spread widely among the poor students with a low or middle class or it would end up with fewer qualifications resulting in lower incomes. Equity in terms of educational opportunities could be defined as ‘equality of opportunity’. Now, equality of opportunity does not simply mean that a lower class student has the opportunity to go to university; it does not even mean that anyone who wishes can go to university (Barr & Crawford, 2005, p. 212). It indicates that if two students have identical capabilities and educational ranking, they receive the same education irrespective of factors which are regarded as irrelevant such as parental income and financial status.
On the other hand ‘Allocative or external efficiency’ is concerned with producing the types of educational activities which equip individuals to survive better while earning a decent livelihood in terms of economical, social, political and cultural conditions of their countries or countries to which they belong. This efficiency at least possesses the advantage for those who are not financially stable and want to receive higher education.
Although progress has been made in terms of forming interdisciplinary units within universities and this has remained a feature of research universities in the 1980s and 1990s (Geiger, 1996) and the faster growing research universities conduct more research in centres and institutes than do the slower growing research universities (Stahler and Tash, 1994) but the concern is about the working or lower class. Federal agencies that fund research have contributed to this pattern: for example, in the 1980s, an increasingly large proportion of NSF funds went to teams and centers, and a declining proportion (though still the majority) went to individual investigators (Losco, 2000, p. 41).
England may appear to have been doing at least its share in enrolling minority students. With 1.8 percent of the nation’s blacks, New England has 2.5 percent of all black enrolments in higher education; and with 2 percent of the nation’s Hispanics, it has 2.5 percent of the nation’s postsecondary Hispanic enrolments. Furthermore, those percentages of minority enrolments have been increasing slightly but steadily since 1976, while national figures have recently begun to decline. New England also has mostly ‘non-resident aliens’, or foreign students but if one looks at the enrolment of minority students-blacks, for example in relation to total enrolments, the record is less impressive.
In 1984 in the nation as a whole, 11.7 percent of the total population but only 8.5 percent of college students were black. In New England 3.8 percent of residents were black, but only 3.2 percent of college enrolments were so reported. Among the New England states, Connecticut had the highest percentage (7 percent) of blacks in its total state population but only 4.4 percent in its colleges, a figure that nevertheless led those of the other New England states. Similarly, in America Massachusetts public colleges, by contrast, with 43.7 percent of the states total enrolments, have only 38.4 percent of the state’s black enrolments in higher education and only 40.2 percent of the Hispanic. (Cronin & Simmons, 1987, p. 80) This clearly indicates the contribution of foreign nationals in acquiring higher education.
Practical Solutions to the Educational Problems
Funding
Many nations are undergoing a dramatic transition in their higher education systems. Previously reliant almost entirely on their governments, colleges and universities in many countries now face declining government funding and are being encouraged to develop alternative sources of support. At the same time, strengthening higher education is viewed as a critical national strategy for growth in a global economy based on information technology. Educational fund raising is required by all the developing nations so that the programs and activities by which the college or university seeks grants from private sources support its programs and build long-term strength through improvements to its facilities and additions to its endowment (Worth, 2002, p. 6).
In general, fees for liberal arts schools and teachers colleges are low in public institutions, and clearly much below costs for divinity students in private ones. Charges for technological students are high, though far below costs in public institutions. Not only do students in other independent professional schools pay high fees in both public and private institutions, but the charge is two-thirds as high in public as in private institutions. For all fees public charges are but 30 per cent of those in private institutions. High fees in the other independent professional schools reflect not only an association of private gain for this kind of education but also the high costs involved in the instruction.
It is often assumed that the competition of the public institution is the dominant factor everywhere but in the Northeast, where public tuition is high. But actually the tuition differential between public and private institutions is higher in the Northeast than in the rest of the country. Students will often select higher-priced rather than lower-priced institutions because of product differentiation, an item not easy to define or measure. Obviously the main interest is in what the college contributes. Another factor that seems to influence tuition rates is the social product contributed. There is a tendency to charge less when social gains are highest, e.g., divinity and education, and more when the private gains are great, even though in some instances social gains are also relevant, e.g., medicine, engineering.
In short, there is a long tradition of low tuition rates, for many years strongly supported by private institutions but gradually being weakened by economic pressures. Public institutions with tax resources behind them are even more firmly attached to this low-tuition tradition. In an interesting analysis Riesman writes: “These public institutions help spread the ethos that even wealthy students need not pay the full cost of their education and that desirable students (not only athletes but sometimes debaters, scholars, and ‘all-around’ types) need not borrow more than the token amounts that present loan services can proffer” (Harris, 1962, p. 116).
It is likely that tuition will continue to rise both absolutely and in relation to the costs of higher education. The primary reason for this is the difficulty of increasing gifts, capital income, or tax receipts for higher education as rapidly as costs rise. Without additional state support, the university cannot provide our youth with an educational opportunity equal to that enjoyed by young people elsewhere in the nation, or cannot provide the research and services which we have come to expect. However, the charges by the university upon the student should be increased so as to share the added costs and that scholarships should also be increased, in numbers and perhaps in amounts, so that those students whose financial inability is clearly demonstrated can receive the help they deserve. Over the years private college administrators have supported higher tuition both on the ground that alternative resources for meeting rising costs and turning out a good product are not available and because (in the view of some) the public institutions are maintaining unfair competition.
Student Loans
Student indebtedness is one of today’s more complicated higher education problems. While everyone agrees that students and parents need access to the funds that loan programs provide, there is concern about the increasing debt burden on our nation’s youth. Between 25 and 50 percent of all postsecondary students seek loan assistance to finance college costs.
As with other complicated issues of our time, there are lingering misconceptions about student indebtedness. It is time to examine the myths about student loans in light of the realities of higher education finance. Citizens, educators, lenders all taxpayers need to place in perspective what is happening in the student loan programs. Students who drop out, who do not qualify for an average or above average salary, or who borrow and then work in low-paying jobs may have trouble–as may the person in debt who heads a family and supports many dependents. This segment may range from 5 to 10 percent of the borrowing students, but not as high as 25 percent of the 25 percent who do borrow. We should worry about this population, however, as we should about debt burdens for social workers, divinity students, public health workers, and teachers, most of whom may need either loan assistance, a longer repayment period, or most essential-more adequate pay.
Student Loan Counselling
An increasingly important area of focus for financial aid practitioners is effective student loan counselling. In its simplest terms, loan counselling is plain required disclosure making sure the prospective borrower knows that the loan has to be paid back and on what terms and conditions. Canadian Higher Education describes loan counselling as not a single event but rather the process of credit education. We conceive of it as taking place at multiple times during a student’s pre-borrowing, borrowing, and repayment life and as covering a broad range of steps (Cronin & Simmons, 1987, p. 50).
Task Force is a group of lenders, schools, community agencies, the high school, and the guarantee agency. Both lender representation and school representation are diverse. As a task force research suggest certain ethnic, income, or psychological characteristics as a means to identify a potential student loan defaulter, but we found little empirical evidence to support any such generalisations. We concluded that there is no definitive profile of a defaulter; instead, we found that the single most frequent feature of importance was borrower attitude. We have come to describe the successful loan re-payer as one who fully understands his/ her financial obligations and who is willing to accept whatever lifestyle restrictions the loan obligation may impose. The research suggested that borrowers using 10 percent or more of income to repay student loans experience an impact on other lifestyle choices. But most borrowers repay because they are committed to doing so.
Having reached the conclusion that willingness to repay is even more important than ability to repay; the Task Force asked the question, “How can we influence the willingness of borrowers to repay student loans?” Our response was to determine that credit education and loan counselling must take place at multiple times and with different emphases during a student borrower’s developmental life. The Task Force developed a comprehensive loan counselling model which involves the schools, the lenders, and the guarantor. Each of these groups has a share in the opportunity and obligation to counsel and is involved at different times.
Loans, of course, are only the best means to finance higher education. We want students to understand both the consequences of borrowing and the alternatives to borrowing. We want students who are already in higher education to make the most informed choice possible about how much to borrow, to understand the terms of each of their loans, and to be prepared for repayment. And we also want to be of service to those borrowers who have already left higher education and are bewildered by the loan repayment process. Our target groups, therefore, include: junior high and high school students, borrowers in school, borrowers in repayment, borrowers in default, and the general public.
A critical concept that we believe all loan counselling must include is how debt relates to future income and lifestyle choices. This element is crucial to all of the target groups. Students can be helped to understand that their education is a valuable investment and that obtaining an education is worthwhile, even though they may have to rearrange future priorities.
Besides the major target groups there are certain categories of borrowers, such as adult borrowers and students who have withdrawn from universities. Although the model is for the most part generic, we do not want to ignore groups with special needs. The message which underlies our program is that responsibility to avoid default rests with the borrower. But, all of our investigations support our understanding that students are usually inexperienced borrowers whose first form of credit is the student loan, and that we frequently make mistakes the first time we do something. The Task Force aims to help students become experienced re-payers. In addition, our intent is to help student loan providers and school administrators respond to the dilemmas of loan counselling.
The dilemmas that face adult and female borrowers are a special concern in loan counselling. These are difficult categories even to describe generally because there are so many different breeds. Some individuals are in post secondary schools or borrowing for graduate or professional school; some adults are resuming their education after being away from school, and some are starting higher education for the first time. Some adult borrowers are working full-time and going to school part-time. The capacity of the adult borrower to handle loan responsibility also depends on a number of other factors such as a person’s previous work experience and the level of income one can predict on the basis of that experience. Obviously, the more work experience a person has, the greater the income he or she will generate once working, unless a big career change is involved. The other financial responsibilities the adult borrower may have such as mortgages and car payments are factors. The career the person is planning to go into and the level of income to be expected in that career are important factors as well. And finally, prior experience with borrowing and the kind of confidence people have in their capacity to borrow to juggle priorities, to figure out how to manage money, to manage repayments must be considered.
One specific category of borrower is the adult female undergraduate borrower. First of all, whether married, divorced, or single, the majority of women in this category often have responsibilities for dependent children. The primary motivating factor for them to go to college or resume education is their desire to improve their job opportunities, make more money, and be better prepared to help support their families. In many instances these women are single parents; often, they are the sole support of their children or have limited child support to supplement what they can generate themselves (Chapman & Austin, 2002, p. 28).
Women have much more difficulty than their male counterparts in obtaining well-paying jobs. Women with four year college degrees earn an average of 63 percent of what men with high school diplomas earn. And, there is about a 50 percent differential between the expected lifetime earnings of men and of women (Cronin & Simmons, 1987, p. 55). The implications for women’s capacity to handle loans are obvious. Another factor to be considered is that adult women who have completed their undergraduate education, even though they have many more financial responsibilities than younger women just coming out of college, are still entry level people in the labour market. That is to say, a 35-yearold woman with a bachelor’s degree will begin at the same salary level as a 22-year-old woman. This is true even though the 35-year-old may have two children, higher rent, and many more expenses than the 22-year-old, as well as limited mobility in terms of being able to move to new places to work (Simma, 2004).
The female adult borrower must consider, even when she gets out of school, that she is already living close to the margin; she does not have a lot of flexibility. She may have heavy costs, and most of the money to which she has access may be needed to cover very basic expenses. Women comprise two-thirds of the borrowers who have to commit more than 10 percent of their income to student loans. Some studies have shown that of the borrowers who had to commit 10 percent of income, 80 percent were single, and many of those single borrowers had dependent children. It obviously is much more stressful to carry the responsibility of a loan with these responsibilities. Under such circumstances, what is required from the Educational perspective of Government is to make conveniences for the students, particularly who come to study from developing or under developed nations (Hodgson & Sprouse, 2000).
Despite the difficulties listed above, the borrower should assume primary responsibility for loan repayment. We need to be more aware; however, of how very hard it is for adults, particularly adults with limited borrowing experience, to know exactly where to go for information. Therefore, it is very important that lenders and schools provide such information. Schools are the first choice because adult borrowers with limited experience or limited resources are somewhat intimidated by bankers. Many people are afraid to ask too many questions for fear they will reveal something about themselves that will make it impossible for them to get the loan.
Schools should emphasise the alternatives to borrowing and help students think of other ways they can manage besides borrowing. Before time comes for repayment, students will benefit from career counselling. They need to think early in their educational career about the kind of job they want after graduation. They can be preparing as freshmen, sophomores, and juniors for those kinds of jobs by participating in internships, coops, and work-study jobs as a way to build a reservoir of job experience that will help them get into the labour market. Obviously, there are potentially many different kinds of help. Ideally, the school will play a role by providing students with instruction in financial management and planning by experts by people who have both some ideas and some solutions.
In the repayment stage, lifestyle adjustments and compromises are very important characteristics, but an adult woman returning to school because she needs to be able to earn more money may be quite limited in terms of making lifestyle adjustments. She cannot take her children and find a roommate with whom to share an apartment the way a single person can. If she takes a second job at night, she has to pay for a babysitter. She has a whole set of monthly financial obligations that are fundamental parts of life the utilities, rent, telephone. In short, she is limited in her capacity to make lifestyle adjustments even though that, theoretically, is what needs to be done (Chapman & Austin, 2002, p. 43).
Although there is always a need for help with financial management and career counselling, it is not always easy to get this kind of help in institutions. The congruence between student needs for counselling and other kinds of support services on the one hand, and the availability of such services on the other hand, suggests that post secondary institutions and colleges have many support services available and the students have many needs for them, but students indicate that they do not use them to any great extent. This is a problem for which the institution must take responsibility. The ways in which these services are organised at most postsecondary institutions make it very difficult for them to deliver coherently the kind of advice and assistance that people need. Financial aid officers are not career counsellors, career counsellors are not student employment people, student employment people are not internship coordinators, internship coordinators are not co-op people, and co-op people are not job placement people. In short, the services are unorganised and widely dispersed.
The concerns, for example, of the adult female borrower are interlocking problems that require an integrated solution. Yet, most student affairs and financial aid people do not interact much except over coffee and lunch; they fail to see the overall problem. The fact that many of the students involved are commuters with off-campus responsibilities adds to the problem; they simply do not have time to run around to several different offices. Subsequently, these students often do not make their needs known, and they do not receive the benefit of institutional resources.
This problem for adult and female students is also a problem for the schools. It is in the interest of postsecondary institutions to help students and to counsel them so that they will repay their loans conscientiously. After all, postsecondary institutions depend heavily on the availability of student loans for attendance (Doyle, 2000). Responsible borrowing, moreover, is congruent with the lofty and admirable philosophy of many postsecondary institutions that people should be prepared for life in practical terms. Certainly it is important for everyone to know how to be financially responsible. By helping students understand the responsibility for repaying loans and by encouraging them to do so in a conscientious way, educators can perform a real and lasting service.
The majority of students attending post secondary institutions are from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Fifty percent of their federal aid resources come from loans, primarily because of the diminishing number of grant programs. In the light of the above research it is evident that the issue of how to convey higher education information to low-income adults is, one of the most challenging problems in any culture. For example, how can higher education recruiters convince a student living in a public housing project that a better life is a probable result of attendance at a community college, a technical school, or a university?
In this context Canada’s post secondary education institutions are liable along with the Government policymakers to design a framework on how to integrate education loan policy with scholarships and with public service and career planning in a more thoughtful and constructive fashion. Education loan programs are complex and, like any vehicle, require fine-tuning and adjustment to travel any distance. One of the best strategies for helping students attend post secondary education is supporting them through the complex process of applying for admission and financial aid, including loans but with such an ease that repaying the debt remains no big deal for them. Another strategy for colleges is to sponsor Upward Bound programs enabling high school students to visit colleges, then spend a summer on a campus to taste college life, and to get considerable adult and peer group support in preparing for college. Talent Search represents an effort to locate gifted and talented students, many of whom do not realise that some colleges are looking for applicants exactly like themselves.
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