Introduction
The city that I am researching is the city of Chicago. I am interested in studying the city to understand our city’s history better and understand the struggles that many people face today, as there are visual scars from racial segregation. The timeline will be used in the 1950s,1960s, and the 2010s. The topic that will be included in this research is housing, education, and unemployment. The two major factors that heavily contribute to economic inequality are education and unemployment. In Johnsons’ prologue, on page 10, he talks about examples of persistent racism built into neighborhood Universities and schools. Housing is a byproduct as a result of poor education and low job opportunities.
Racial segregation has been an ongoing subject in the United States for many. In the south side of Chicago, it is apparent the damage resulting from racial segregation. Housing is important as it is a factor in the outcome of an individual’s future. Housing has a role in education and job opportunities. Education: Education is important because it is predictive of an individual’s future occupation and earnings. When the quality of education is hindered based on wealth class, it results in an endless cycle of poverty and inequality. For many students in low-income areas, the quality of education is inadequate to prepare for college and be successful. In today’s society, education is a major factor in determining a person’s success, and many high-paying jobs require some form of a college education. Racial segregation affects the quality of individual education.
Employment is a big factor in many of the ongoing issues in the city of Chicago. The Southside of Chicago was once a thriving market in industrialization, providing people with livable wages. However, overtime jobs had left the Southside leaving many people unemployed and struggling to survive due to fewer job opportunities, causes a major increase in poverty and leaving them to live in constant poverty. In addition to employment, Chicago is labeled as the nation’s murder capital which suggests that neighborhoods with the highest rates of violence correlate with neighborhoods with high unemployment rates.
In 2008, America elected Barack Obama as its first African American president. While many saw this as evidence that America had overcome its turbulent history of racial inequality, one does not have to go far to discover that segregation and uneven life chances persist in the United States. Ironically, Chicago, Barack Obama’s hometown, continues to be one of the most segregated cities in the United States. Racial prejudice and institutional discrimination have resulted in the growth of predominantly black inner city ghettos. For the greater part of a century, these ghettos have been left unregulated and virtually untouched, perpetuating a cycle of poverty, crime, and substandard living conditions. I will examine the growth of Chicago’s largely black South Side in this article, exploring both the history of racial violence and the discriminatory policies that have resulted in such sharp divisions in one of the most ethnically diverse cities in the country.
To examine the racial segregation in Chicago, this is an exploratory study entirely based on ideas gleaned through a review of the current literature on the issue, including studies, reports, magazines, and books, among other sources. The following are the study’s research questions: In completing this research project, you will be able to gain important knowledge or expertise on the topic under consideration. With the use of previously published material, this author draws broad generalizations about the subject matter at hand and develops and tests a hypothesis concerning racial segregation in the city of Chicago. One of the most challenging jobs in all of the research is not the acquisition or creation of new data but rather the analysis and integration of data that is already available to make sense of what has been discovered. To address the phenomena under examination, I concur with this assertion and make the best use possible of insights gleaned from modern literature.
The Great Migration
Many Southern states enacted new constitutions and laws at the beginning of the twentieth century, removing the rights of blacks and many poor whites. They could not serve as adjudicators or vie for any office if they could not vote. Discriminatory legislation, such as the segregation of public facilities based on race, was passed by white politicians (Derenoncourt, 2019). Segregated schools for African children and other amenities were chronically minimally funded in the agribusiness. Violent crimes against black people increased when whites’ legislative bodies were presided over by Jim Crow rules to restore white authority and limit public life. Lynchings were used as extrajudicial punishment to ensure compliance with these laws (Guillet, 2019). In the early twentieth century, the boll weevil invasion decimated most of the cotton industry. As a result, African-Americans began leaving the South for the North to enjoy greater freedoms, send their children to better schools, and find better jobs.
Thousands of people moved north due to the industrialization of the North and the rapid development of the infrastructure, meatpacking, and steel industries. Up until 1960, many black southerners fled violence and segregation by migrating to Chicago in pursuit of economic opportunity. The rural population decreased with the high increase in the urban population. An important trend emerged as a result of African Americans migrating to urban regions from rural areas. (Grigoryeva & Ruef, 2015). The Great Migration changed Chicago politically as well as culturally.
The bulk of African Americans who migrated north between 1910 and 1940 came from rural areas. Most of them were sharecroppers and laborers, but others were landowners who the boll weevil outbreak had uprooted. They were undereducated and unprepared for urban jobs due to the South’s chronic underinvestment in public education for blacks. They had to swiftly adapt to a new urban society, much like other European rural immigrants had to. Many people took advantage of Chicago’s excellent educational system, and their children had little trouble adapting to the city’s unique culture and way of life (Taeuber et al., 1994). Most black migrants arrived after 1940, when the second major wave of migration began, already urbanized and coming from southern cities and towns. Those who moved to the city were ambitious and well-educated, and they could put those advantages to good use in their new communities.
The flood of new immigrants into cities brought about a great deal of concern. An estimated 3,000 black Chicagoans came each week in the 1940s, arriving by train from the South and entering localities they had heard about from friends and the Chicago Defender (Derenoncourt, 2019). Measuring and documenting the Great Migration took place with great care. The significant changes in their neighborhoods caused urban white northerners in the city to become alarmed (Guillet, 2019). When it came to employment and housing, the South Side’s steel and meatpacking sectors provided the most opportunities for the working class. Meanwhile, newer and older ethnic immigrants competed with the newcomers.
In the 1919 gang wars and riots, ethnic Irish played a significant role. When they first arrived on the South Side, they fought against other immigrants, including other ethnic whites and southern blacks, to control their region. Chicago served as a focal point for enormous migration and racial unrest that followed (Derenoncourt, 2019). As Chicago’s industries grew, so did the number of job opportunities for new migrants, notably those from the South. The railroad industry and the meatpacking industry both used black employees (Howenstine, 1996). The Chicago Defender, a black newspaper in the city, helped southerners learn about Chicago. Using Illinois Central trains, it transported bundles of papers south, where African-American Pullman Porters dropped them off in Black neighborhoods. When the black belt expanded by 50,000 people between 1916 and 1919, it put extra strain on the South Side’s institutional system; many boarded trains heading north.
Segregation
Homespun inequitable covenants do outlaw by national courts in the ’20s. An increasing number of the city’s African residents experienced the same discrimination as those in the South. During the city’s fast population boom, many blacks struggled to get employment and better housing since the fierce struggle for shelter among various groups of people (Howenstine, 1996). Chicago continued to attract many immigrants from southern and eastern Europe simultaneously as the Great Migration of blacks from the South. The groups were engaged in a conflict over salaries for the working class.
Chicago’s political leaders began enacting racially restrictive covenants in 1927, even though earlier measures like redlining and zoning just for single-family houses had been used to keep the city’s housing segregated. Shelley v. Kraemer, a case decided in 1948 by the United States Supreme Court, ruled racially discriminatory covenants illegal. However, this did not instantly alleviate the housing problems faced by blacks. Homeowners’ associations forbade their associates from selling to black families, preserving segregation in the housing industry (Logan et al., 1984). Due to the scarcity of affordable housing, European refugees and their descendants had to compete with blacks for a place to call home.
Many white middle-class and upper-class families were among the initials to leave the city searching for better-paying jobs and better-connected commuter rail and transport structures. Later, immigrants, ethnic whites, and black families lived in the older homes (Logan et al., 1984). Those of us from the suburbs who had been in the city for the longest were more inclined to move into newer, more expensive residences as soon as we could. After the Second World War, many of the white residents of the South Side moved out because of the influx of newcomers and the resulting increase in housing demand. It wasn’t long before more African-Americans began moving into what had become the nation’s black capital. South Side neighborhoods became predominantly black, giving rise to the Black Belt.
Racial Segregation in Housing
Demographic mix of modern-day Chicago is surprisingly similar to that of the city before the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. Even though data suggest that Chicago has steadily grown more racially mixed over the past decade, the city continues to be one of the most racially divided in the United States. In large part, this is the consequence of discriminatory housing laws that have kept black Chicagoans confined to South Side urban ghettos for more than a century, generating a cycle of poverty and violence that continues to this day. Real estate groups and white communities campaigned to establish regulations that would restrict the regions into which black residents might migrate to keep them inside their racially segregated neighborhoods.
According to Lorraine Hansberry’s novel A Raisin in the Sun, a black family struggles to leave the ghetto and settle in a better-off neighborhood. An interesting period in Chicago history was the inspiration for the show’s plot. The play takes place in Chicago between 1945 and 1959, and it explores the racial and housing tensions that were prevalent in the city at the time. As a result of World War II industrial jobs and Southern sharecropping’s demise, the period 1940–1960 saw a net increase in African American population in Chicago, compared to the migration of 1910–1930, during which an enormous number of black Americans first came to Chicago from the South.
Before the end of World War II, Chicago’s housing market was severely restricted for returning soldiers. During the Civil Rights Movement, the majority of African-Americans lived in a swath of Chicago, also called the “Black Belt” that spanned from 12th to 79th streets and Wentworth to Cottage Grove avenues. About 60,000 African-Americans from the South moved to Chicago in search of work between 1940 and 1944. White residents drafted “restrictive covenants,” legally enforceable agreements that stated that some households could not rent or sell to anyone who was black to keep freshly arrived black Americans out of their communities. Such covenants exacerbated traffic congestion during the war because they confined African Americans to the Black Belt. After the war, as more blacks migrated north to Chicago, congestion worsened, and numerous families were forced to share an apartment, which became increasingly common.
In addition to making life more difficult, traffic congestion has made it harder for black families to find decent places to live. Considering that this area has a high density of people, landlords are forced to split flats into small units known as “kitchenettes” and charge overpriced rents for them. There were times when these apartments did not have toilets, which meant that everyone on the floor had to share a single toilet in the hall. At various points, buildings lacked essential services like adequate heating. Residents had to do with kerosene lamps and improvised stoves, which frequently caught fire due to overheating. The flammability of the partitions separating the flats increased the danger. The Black Belt had 751 fires in a single year, many of which were deadly. Even though landlords were seldom fined for maintaining slum dwellings, those who were found to be in the wrong realized that paying the typically modest fee was considerably more profitable than fixing their buildings. There was a rat infestation because of an old and potentially hazardous housing stock, local officials’ apathy and indifference, and insufficient sanitation. In A Raisin in the Sun, Travis Younger and his pals kill a rat that is “as big as a cat.” They are heroes. Several eyewitnesses reported seeing rats attack sleeping children, sometimes killing or maiming them. TB and other illnesses spread quickly in the Black Belt, where newborn mortality and total mortality were higher than in the rest of Chicago.
The Black Belt expanded into surrounding communities after World War II. Restrictive covenants were declared illegal by the Supreme Court in 1948. Because of a building boom in the suburbs and on the city’s edges, there are now more options for individuals who want to live in the city. Over time, a rising number of African-Americans moved up from poverty and into middle-class areas where they could enjoy a much better quality of life. African Americans’ desire to get away from the slums created them in certain situations rather than the other way around. It’s impossible to exaggerate the role of shady real estate investors in the migration of African Americans to wealthier, predominately white communities. To boost their investment returns, speculators would exploit white people’s anxieties about their black neighbors. White working-class people were particularly prone to such tactics because of their demographic makeup. As the owners’ primary asset, they were concerned that their home prices would plummet. It was speculators who took advantage of these anxieties by using a tactic called “blockbusting,” They tried to persuade white economy class residents that an influx of African Americans would be bad for their communities. As a result, white property owners often decided to accept offers below the property’s actual worth because they believed that their properties would become even less valuable as time passed.
Speculators profited handsomely from the inflow of African Americans thanks to bank regulations that were overtly discriminatory, such as “redlining,” with earnings sometimes doubling for those who utilized them. Before the Civil Rights Movement, banks would draw a red line through “undesirable” areas of town, refusing to provide loans to newly arriving African Americans. Even though African-Americans marched and filed lawsuits against housing discrimination as a consequence, the early Black American families who wanted to migrate to these regions were compelled to negotiate on highly unfavorable conditions. Speculators would have to pay an outrageously high monthly payment even though they can buy houses for a modest down payment.
The investor might compel black people to leave their homes for minor contract infractions since they’d have to sign an installment contract over ownership to him. African American families were forced to take in a significant number of borders to augment their income because of the high cost of tuition. As a result, a surplus of people crammed into a small amount of accessible space once again. They wouldn’t be able to keep up with the property’s maintenance since they’d be paying speculators every month. It would harm the neighborhood. Additionally, black zones did not get the same degree of city services as white communities, and the territory that had looked to African Americans as the promised land gradually transformed into yet another slum.
There was a lot of discussion about neighborhood integration. At the time, riots led by a white mob were not unheard of. In contrast, the great majority of Chicagoans had no idea how dire the situation was. During the 1940s, major media failed to report the riots because of the Chicago Commission on Human Relations pressure. Residents of the “White Belt” who could not move out from the “Black Belt’s” border formed neighborhood associations to let blacks know they were not welcome.
According to Karl Lindner, a Clybourne Park Improvement Association member, “Negro families are happiest when they reside in their neighborhoods” in A Raisin in the Sun. Mr. Lindner makes a purchase offer to the Younger family, offering to buy the property back for a greater price than the family initially paid. Discrimination against African Americans wasn’t always veiled. In certain cases, police escorts are required to assist the first African-American family settle into a predominantly white community. For months, they had been subjected to relentless verbal abuse and lived in fear of being physically attacked. Their house was set on fire, and someone threw bombs out the windows. There was danger and rejection for African Americans everywhere they went, even when they were only trying to locate a suitable location for themselves to call home.
Racial Segregation in Education
Educational segregation has far-reaching social consequences. Many young African- Americans face discrimination, which adds unnecessary stress to their lives and impairs their cognitive development. Eric Hanushek and colleagues researched racial concentrations in schools and discovered that they had large and significant consequences. When a school has a larger percentage of black pupils, it appears that the health of the black children is harmed. White or Hispanic students at the school do not experience these impacts, showing that peer connections rather than the institution’s quality are to blame. Furthermore, studies show that having a large concentration of black students in a school has the greatest impact on the academic performance of those students.
Students from impoverished inner cities, including African Americans, continue to struggle academically because of their pressure from family and friends who are still living in poverty in their hometowns. Another way in which education is utilized to keep people apart is through segregation in the workplace. Real estate marketers may use school racial composition as a strategy to attract white buyers into the segregated inner-city ring. In recent years, the percentage of black children enrolling in integrated public schools has fallen to its lowest level since 1968. It has been referred to as “American apartheid” because of the inequality in educational opportunities between white and black students in the United States. Those who link this imbalance to apartheid sometimes use the example of uneven financing for primarily black schools as an illustration of apartheid. By the academic year 2002–2003, about 87 percent of Chicago public school students were black or Hispanic, with fewer than 10 percent of children enrolled in white schools. Only around 5 percent of the children in Washington, D.C., were white, with the majority of them being either black or Hispanic in origin.
The fear of being accused of “Acting White” has made it difficult for ethnic groups to get an education. I don’t know how to define this word except that most African-Americans use it as a derogatory term to describe those who show an interest in their academics because they believe doing so betrays their culture by trying to fit in with white society instead of remaining true to their roots. There is a trade-off between doing well and being accepted by your peers if you come from a traditionally low-achieving group, according to Harvard University’s Roland Fryer, Jr., “especially when that group comes into contact with more outsiders.” However, racial, educational segregation is caused by causes other than economics. For minorities to succeed in educational environments, social constructions must be removed.
Several public schools in Mississippi are still racially divided, as they were in the 1960s during an era of widespread anti-black sentiment. In many towns where black children make up the majority of the student body, only white children are enrolled in minor private schools. Despite being the state’s premier academic institution, the University of Mississippi enrolls an unacceptably low number of African-American and Latino students. Even though these institutions are intended to be models of excellence in education and graduation, the inverse is occurring. Children of European origin are largely educated in private schools in Jackson Metropolis and tiny towns outside. School segregation persists in Mississippi, South Carolina, and other states where whites and blacks remain segregated in education.
Apart from the Deep rural South, segregation can also be found in major cities like New York. The state had the highest level of racial segregation among black students when compared to other Southern states. Students have grown separated based on their race and family wealth simultaneously, which is an example of double segregation. In 19 of the city’s 32 school districts, white students are underrepresented. School segregation was addressed by the United States Supreme Court more than six decades ago, yet minority and low-income children continue to be denied equal opportunities in educational opportunities. To make matters worse, according to a 108-page report from the Government Accountability Office, the percentage of low-income black or Hispanic students in American K-12 public schools increased from 9 to 16 percent between 2000 and 2014.
Racial Segregation in Employment
The black community of Chicago established a class structure that included a considerable number of domestic workers and other manual laborers and a small but rising presence of middle- and upper-class commercial and professional elites, according to the Chicago Tribune. In 1929, black Chicagoans got access to city employment, increasing their status as members of the professional class. A continual battle for African Americans in Chicago was fighting job discrimination. Supervisors in various firms hindered development opportunities for African Americans, resulting in lower pay and preventing them from obtaining better earnings. Beginning in the mid-twentieth century, African-Americans began to advance through the ranks of the labor sector gradually.
The influx of African-Americans widened the market for their products and services. “The insurance industry was the site of the most significant breakthrough in black business.” Chicago was the home of the founding of four major insurance businesses. Then, in the early twentieth century, service businesses supplanted manufacturing. During this period, the African-American market on State Street consisted of barbershops, restaurants, pool clubs, saloons, and beauty salons, among other establishments. African Americans utilized these trades to help them establish themselves in their communities. These businesses provided African-Americans with an opportunity to start families, make money, and become active members of their communities.
It became clear that the South Side ghetto’s continuous decline was endangering the city’s financial core, so the City of Chicago embarked on an ambitious effort to revitalize the areas surrounding what is known as the ‘Loop. The Neighborhood Redevelopment Corporation Act of 1941 and subsequent amendments and legislation served as the impetus for the initiative’s inception. So that blighted districts might be revitalized while still protecting ‘endangered’ ones, lawmakers gave the city more authority to take public land for “public uses” before selling it to private developers for reconstruction on a government-subsidized basis. The city was then in charge of relocating citizens who had been displaced.
According to a survey conducted in 1943, there were 350,000 dilapidated structures in the area around the ‘Loop’s’ south-western edge. Fearing that major financial institutions and enterprises would migrate to the suburbs, this law was passed to encourage private sector investments in development projects to prevent an urban catastrophe from occurring. While this period of rapid gentrification was occurring, the South Side and the neighborhoods surrounding the University of Chicago on the South Side received financial assistance from both the public and private sectors. Urban renewal projects have reduced the fear of decentralization and financial flight from the city center. Still, thousands of people have been displaced, the majority of whom are black Chicagoans. Creating centralized all-black public housing facilities was the city’s solution to the problem.
When African Americans first came to Chicago, they tended to gravitate toward the already-established black neighborhoods in the city. When the census was taken in 1910, an estimated 78 percent of black Chicagoans lived in a slight stretch of communities on the city’s south side called the “Black Belt.” Even though these neighborhoods were increasingly overcrowded and dilapidated, African Americans rarely tried to expand their communities beyond the boundaries that had been established. When black Chicagoans sought to relocate into mostly white areas on occasion, deadly conflicts erupted. On the most severe level, these tensions were demonstrated in 1919 when a young African American child swimming in Lake Michigan wandered into a section of the lake designated for whites and was stoned to death. When Chicago police declined to make an arrest, crowds descended on the city. It began rioting, resulting in 13 days of unrestrained mayhem, during which 38 people were murdered, 537 were injured, and almost 1,000 black families were forced to flee their homes. Even though official institutions of segregation had been abolished over half a century earlier, de facto segregation systems persisted far into the twentieth century and are still in place in many parts of the world today.
Because of this, the Federal Housing Act of 1937 created Chicago’s Chicago Housing Authority (CHA), which was in charge of all the city’s public housing. In the beginning, the North Side’s first buildings only housed white people, while the South Side ghetto’s largest housing complex was designated for black people. Occupants in public housing had to be of the same race as those living in the neighborhood where the building was located due to a government regulation known as “The Neighborhood Composition Rule” (Choldin, 2005). To avoid provoking a backlash from local politicians, Chicago’s Housing Authority (CHA) was forced into adopting a policy of “containment,” establishing housing complexes in neighborhoods where residents were already familiar with them, particularly on the city’s South and South-West Sides. As a result of this policy, the ‘Black Belt’ neighborhood on Chicago’s South Side has become increasingly overcrowded. Not until 1968, when federal money was cut off, Chicago’s Housing Authority (CHA) stopped developing housing complexes in the city’s South Side ghettos, a total of 168 high-rise buildings housing about 19,700 people. HUD eventually took control of the CHA in 1996 and began evicting occupants and demolishing failing housing buildings due to the CHA’s failure to administer the Chicago Housing Projects effectively. Except for a handful on the South-West Side, all of the city’s high-rises and virtually all of its low-rise row houses have been demolished.
Racial discrimination in public housing was prohibited, and financial criteria were steadily decreased as part of the federal standards for admittance. Because of this, Cabrini-population Green went from being predominantly white working-class to being predominantly black and impoverished, with few other options for better housing, creating a long-term resident. With its boarded-up high-rise windows and burned-out facade, Cabrini-Green has become a symbol of criminality and blight. As a result of its location between two of Chicago’s most wealthy neighborhoods, Lincoln Park and the Gold Coast, Cabrini-Green stands out among Chicago’s Public Housing developments. Even as the Cabrini-Green area became more lawless and decayed, the areas immediately surrounding it began to prosper. The local industry changed from manufacturing to professional services, resulting in redevelopment and new high-income housing projects. This shift was not lost on investors, who began purchasing nearby properties in anticipation of the demolished projects.
One of Chicago’s most renowned public housing failures, the Cabrini-Green Housing Projects, exemplifies the worst of the city’s racial segregation at its most extreme. The CHA built the Frances Cabrini Homes in Chicago’s Near-North Side in 1942. The Cabrini Extension and William Green Homes high-rises were built during the next two decades, adding another 20 stories to the property. Neighborhood Composition Rule states that the development initially contained people of many ethnicities, such as Italians, Irish, Puerto Ricans and African Americans. This is still the case today. However, the economic crisis that followed World War II led to a rise in unemployment. At the same time, the city drastically reduced spending for public services, transit, police enforcement, and infrastructure upkeep, causing many middle- and lower-class families to consider moving elsewhere…. Racial discrimination in public housing was prohibited and financial restrictions were steadily decreased as part of the federal standards for entry. A permanent population was created as a result, since the working-class residents of Cabrini-Green were replaced with mostly impoverished blacks with few alternative options for better housing. Cabrini-burned-out Green’s facade and boarded-up high-rise windows became a symbol of criminality and urban degradation. As a result of its location between two of Chicago’s most wealthy neighborhoods, Lincoln Park and the Gold Coast, Cabrini-Green stands out among Chicago’s Public Housing developments. While the area around Cabrini-Green deteriorated and fell into disrepair, the areas around it began to gentrify as the industry switched from manufacturing to professional services, resulting in investments and new high-income housing complexes. A lot of people observed the change and began buying nearby homes in anticipation of the projects being demolished. the Near North Redevelopment Initiative Plan was developed after the HUD assumed control of the CHA in 1996, proposing a 10-year plan to destroy the current complexes and rebuild them with mixed-use housing for people of all income levels. The final Cabrini-Green structure was torn down in 2011. Those who wanted private accommodation in the city or suburbs might use vouchers to pay for it there. However, many former residents have moved to the South Side’s impoverished, segregated communities due to prejudice by landlords and a lack of transitional help. Similarly, the former Cabrini-Green residents will not be guaranteed a place in the new mixed-income building, which will only have half the amount of public housing apartments. Former homeowners as well as observers have blasted the “Near North Development Plan” for what they see as a land grab.
Conclusion
Ostracism and prejudice were and continue to be a constant presence in Chicago, even though the first African Americans migrated there in quest of jobs and freedom from the oppressive institutions of the South. While many would say that 21st-century American society has abandoned its discriminatory bias policies, others would contend this is not the case. The more closely you look, the more it becomes obvious that they have only gotten more latent. When African Americans first came to Chicago, they were pushed into segregation via violence and legislation designed to keep them away from predominantly white neighborhoods. Despite improvements in the legal system, which resulted in the repeal of such discriminatory practices, new and more hidden forms of segregation emerged, which exploited the legal system to maintain black Chicagoans in a submissive condition of isolation. When the expansion of these overcrowded ghettos began to pose a danger to the city’s economic prosperity, black Chicagoans found themselves once more on the wrong side of an unjust and discriminatory social structure. Instead of dealing with the concerns brought up by such a huge proportion of the city’s inhabitants, the subject was hidden from view.
References
Derenoncourt, E. (2019). Can you move to opportunity? Evidence from the Great Migration. Unpublished Manuscript.
Grigoryeva, A., & Ruef, M. (2015). The historical demography of racial segregation. American sociological review, 80(4), 814-842.
Guillet, E. (2019). The great migration. University of Toronto Press.
Howenstine, E. (1996). Ethnic change and segregation in Chicago. Ethnicity: Geographic perspectives on ethnic change in modern cities, 31-49.
Logan, J. R., & Schneider, M. (1984). Racial segregation and racial change in American suburbs, 1970-1980. American Journal of Sociology, 89(4), 874-888.
Taeuber, K. E., & Taeuber, A. F. (1964). The Negro as an immigrant group: Recent trends in racial and ethnic segregation in Chicago. American Journal of Sociology, 69(4), 374-382.