Introduction
Rave is a historical term used to describe all-night dance parties that were never licensed. This antiestablishment type of party which featured electronic music like techno, house, trance and drum, and base originated in Europe in the 1980s (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). In fact, they emerged as secretive after-hours clubs, open to only a selected group of people. In England, they were popularly called ‘acid houses’ and later they spread to other European nations like Germany, Sweden, and France. The critical feature for these parties was the undisclosed location until several hours before the actual event (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). The few informed members would meet at an identified point to receive further information on the actual location of the rave joint.
In the 1990s, the rave phenomenon increased in tempo but it was more of a commercial activity, making them less secretive. Investors wanted many to attend to capitalize on mass sales and marketing. Entrepreneurs exploited raves opportunities, where in most cases, they rented huge entertainment joints such as clubs and stadiums host raves, collecting some fee from attendants. Drinks like juice and mineral waters were also sold to dancers. This trend continued through to 200s, when the phenomenon began to fall out of favor with traditional ‘members’, who felt that rave had developed into a mass affair, hence lack of exclusiveness (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). In other words, from the time it originated, raves have gone through several transformations and their popularity was widespread throughout Europe and America. This cultural transformation has led many scholars, particularly sociologists to venture more into investigative study of its aspects. The paper review how and why rave has transformed to the level in which they are today in the European society.
Historical Aspects of Rave Subculture Transformation
Emerging in the 1980s as illegal ‘Acid House’ types of night dance, raves transformation was seen in Europe, particularly in United Kingdom, where they were accepted as part of youth subculture (Furlong & Guidikova, 2001, p.18). It formed a widespread underground youth movement later in 1990s, with a number of clubs dropping its secrecy status and making it a mass-oriented type of night club dance. That is, by the beginning of 1990s, several organizations in UK held massive legalized raves in fields and entertainment joints. However, the scene began to change in the middle of 1990s when authorities, notably local councils passed council by-laws to increase licensing fees in an attempt to prevent the culture from spreading further. The increased concern was that raves were a hub for unbecoming culture of drugs and immorality among the youth (Furlong & Guidikova, 2001). But this did not stop the trend as many illegal parties continued to sprout in the face of ban.
The rave subculture spread across the rest of Europe, notably in countries such as Germany. It visibly became part of youth culture, revolving into a movement kind of trend. In fact, some observers believed raves culture is a new society, mostly referred to as a ‘raving society’ (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007, p.499). The events experienced tens of thousands of ‘ravers’, media houses were never left out as they came up with entertainment magazines targeting the youth and their raving habits, and television and radio channels were too absorbed in the analysis of the phenomenon (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). More recently, raves have got the commercial appeal, with marketers targeting mainly the affluent teens who are in a position to afford the cost of admission into the parties. The trend is no longer secretive, and it is sort of mass movement groupies, where new people as well as familiar people meet to express their social worthiness.
The Characteristics of the Modern Rave as Sub-culture in Europe
In major European capitals, rave has found its roots almost everywhere- beaches, deserted warehouses and in virtually all open fields (Guy & Sally, 1992). In fact, its widespread existence is associated with increased networking channels that help hardcore members to get information of events as quickly as possible. Several young people would be found dancing tribal stomps in several revolving floodlights of varied sensual colors in a night club. On one side of the hall, other attendants would be seen watching any video in sections normally defined as ‘smart bar’, designed for teetotalers (Guy & Sally, 1992).
In essence, the rave subculture has become so popular to an extent that it is seen to be progressively overtaking the conventional night life. Sometimes accompanied by underground initiatives like sales of illicit drugs and love-laced sense of activities, rave is seen to be a “disenchantment with traditional, the conventional, the status quo” of the societal arrangements, both politically and economically (Guy & Sally, 92)
The European Society and the Night Culture
Naturally, days and nights are part and parcel of the universe. The two aspects of the natural world are not similar in many perspectives, especially the physical part of nature. In what Williams (2008) calls the ‘night-space’, raves as a subculture became synonymously identical with the youth of Europe who wanted more than partying after the regular traditional party-time. However, the most intriguing aspect of day and night phenomenon is their social uses, which are characterized by their social practices of the people (Williams, 2008).
Sociologically, night raves became more than normal partying that were known to be within the confines of the law. That is, they emerged as a socially inclined peculiar night-outs that were characterized by emerging European youths trying to identify with their own unique identity. In fact, night subculture, characterized by raves is believed to be associated with normal human practices that seek social relationships with an aim of controlling their day to day activities (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010). Williams (2008) observes that night space is not non-uniform and diverse in nature, giving a particular society an opportunity to define their niche of what they want in their general social life. This kind of ‘demand’ for personal identification drives different people from different social background but with one shared imagination of commonness (Williams, 2008). In this case, youths of Europe would define themselves by the common music of techno and other types of ‘rave music’, which they identify as their own. Principally, such ideologies are driven by the innate belief of not wanting uniformity, a trend that pitted ravers against the law.
Rave Ideology and the Law in European Countries
The rave mentality in Europe developed at a time when Europe started experiencing some kind of drastic socio-economic and political changes. In 1990s for example, the UK authorities passed several by-laws and increased fees for licensing of the night raves, in an effort to reduce the trend from spreading to UK (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). Basically, the rave culture started off in London, but was taking root in other parts of UK at an alarming rate. This phenomenon became a grave concern to the mainstream members of the society, mainly parents and government officials, who believed that this culture was behind several ills associated with the modern youth (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 defined music to include “sounds wholly or predominantly characterized by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats” (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007, p.512). The Act contained sections 63, 64, and 65 which explicitly aimed at raves and the type of music played at such events. For instance, some sections had provisions that empowered police to terminate any rave in the public that was attended by more than 100 people or where more than one person are organizing a rave or organizing a similar event (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007, p.512). These sections were directly targeting rave culture in UK, with the aim to discourage its spread and associated social ills such as drug abuse and sexual exploits. In fact, pundits predicted that the passing of such laws signaled the end of rave phenomenon. However, by mid 1990s, rave component was significantly changing. The style and contents of what rave entailed progressively changed from being a one unit to several units, characterized by different style of dance music, different types of attendants, and also becoming more costly to attendants. Many believe that the changes in rave components and the increased tendency of commercial sponsorship made it difficult for the law enforcers to stump their authority to control its spread.
However, as Anderson & Kavanaugh (2007) argue, the relationship between search for identity and forces opposed to it are never mutual. That is, any attempt to oppose a group of people whose social unity have brought together is likely to face equal amount of force. If such a scenario occurs, the social groups will device ways of survival and maneuver their way out in an attempt to continue with their unclear but addictive desires and goals, sometimes leading them to dangerous habits like drug abuse (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). Other groups with varied interests and objectives, normally different from that of “original founders” of the social groups, will join and help advance its course, sometimes unaware of the overall impact of their actions (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). It is critical to observe that these different groups share mutual understanding of each other, and in most cases benefit differently from the association. This concept can explain the connection between business people and the ravers, where the former joined the social groups of the latter to advance their commercial interest and goals, subsequently advancing and diversifying the trend. In most cases, such a trend continues against the wishes of other members of the society. Basically, the need to define existence in the social niche influences other motivational factors like economic and political.
Rave and the Politics
In their study of the potential of leisure as a channel for political activities Riley, More & Griffin (2010) used the ‘theories of neo-liberalism and neo-tribalism” to explain their understanding of rave culture and political association. These theories suggest that individuals may participate in political initiatives through informal unions. In this case, instead of seeing citizens as pleasure animals, the complex interactions between individuals may lead to a form of discussion that perpetuates political ideologies (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010).
In many European countries and other post-industrialized nations, there is a trend of more collective approach to political participation and ideological amalgamations. In this arrangement, the youth were always associated with depoliticized ideas (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010). However, the current trend has seen changes, with many scholars identifying social groups linked to youths as a source of political success, but only if they are de-linked from the culture of non-political association.
In fact many European countries have designed programs intended to increase political participation of the youth, mostly in the dimension of making them more politically active through mainstream formal education (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010). However, the approach to use rave culture among other cultures of the youth in Europe for political goals has been widely criticized. This is because it is seen as a top-down approach to infuse youths into political participation, ignoring their status and age (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010). In other words, the approach is seen as defining political participation within the confines of the traditional political participation, assuming that youth model is closely connected to the adult model of political ideology. The youth are therefore designed to cope with the learning process of socio-political endeavors, thereby demanding that they be included in the ‘responsible’ socio-political association (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010). In the end, they fail to cope with the demands of the adults who seem not to understand the ‘youth taste’ and what they are want to do with their life.
The conflicting socio-political ideologies of the youth and those of adults lead to a form of rebellion in the entire societal set-up. This concept is what defines the youth behavior towards activities that distinguish them from other members of the society (Riley, More & Griffin, 2010). In fact, the youth would be interested in activities that are not in the mainstream of societal setup. This is because such traditional societal set-ups are dominated by senior members of the society, comprised of parents. If young people fail to join the old members of the society, they are branded ‘societal failures’; a term that perpetuates more rebellion, sometimes leading to drug abuse and other self-destructive behaviors that would keep them from obligations like political engagements (Riley, More and Griffin, 2010).
However, Riley, More & Griffin (2010) proposes that with a clear and non-subjective approach, youths can be engaged into the mainstream politics that would help control the bad habits associated with some aspects of rave culture. According to their analysis, the contemporary social unions are comprised of ‘sub-tribes’ that may be useful in defining the direction of the society, socially, politically, and even economically. But this is only possible if a proper understanding of their common beliefs in relation to lifestyle, values, and their understanding of what appropriate behavior entails is identified.
Commercialization of Rave Culture
Although rave music has not reached its predicted potential height, the steady growth of rave members is seen as one area that will offer marketers and companies one-stop marketing venue. Several media radio and television stations are playing the rave-related techno music to the selected group of audiences, offering an opportunity for companies to target their segmented markets for marketing purposes. Some major labels, especially electronic labels like Sony have signed up groups of rave music performers to increase their marketing ability to the young generation.
However, not every young person is thrilled by the development of rave culture into a mass phenomenon. According to Anderson & Kavanaugh (2007), many young elites in the society seem to be displeased by the commercialization of rave culture in Europe as it has diluted their once exclusive arena for pleasure. They quoted one respondent in the study: “It used to be elite and now it’s kind of common for everybody to attend” (p.516). Some respondents explained that as the scene became bigger and more commercialized, the risk emerges because one cannot enjoy the coziness it used to bring to the traditional attendees (Anderson & Kavanaugh, 2007). However, it is accepted that the trend is likely to stay even longer as many people are getting immersed into the bandwagon of cultural heritage that comes with rave subculture. In fact, many believe that commercial aspect of rave is the sole driver to its success and development in the modern society. This notion is built by the increased belief that competition in rave business has created a phenomenon where rave joints are no longer regarded as mass market but a niche market targeting youth and their high life consumption habit. Probably this explains why many companies of mineral waters, juice and many other soft drink makers strive to grab the increased opportunity that has arisen from categorization of ravers.
Conclusion
Rave subculture emerged from Europe in the 1980s. However, it has progressively changed into what one would call ‘sub-cultural expansion’. That is, the initially secretive ‘society’ has become a popular culture with the youth mass movements that have defined the way society behaves socially, economically and even politically. This phenomenon is expected to spread even further as more and more companies see it as a one-stop marketing avenue. The other reason is the increased notion among the youth that what separates them from the adults is their lifestyle. Basically, this makes them run at loggerheads with the traditional societal setup that has designed what should constitute ‘good behaviors’. On the other hand, political class that always treated youth culture of rave as antisocial have began to develop more programs to infuse them into the traditional political ideologies.
Reference
Anderson, T., & Kavanaugh, P. (2007). A ‘Rave’ Review: Conceptual interests and analytical shifts in Research on rave culture. Sociology Compass, Vol.1, Issue 2, pp. 499-519.
Furlong, A., & Guidikova, I. (2001). Transition of Youth Citizenship in Europe: Culture, Subculture. London. Human Rights Education.
Guy, G., & Sally, D. (1992). Tripping the night fantastic. Academic Search Premier, Vol. 140, Issue 7. Web.
Riley, S., More, Y., & Griffin, C. (2010). The ‘pleasure citizen’: Analyzing partying as a form of social and political avenue. CONCORDIA UNIV LIBRARY. Web.
Williams, R. (2008). Night Spaces: Darkness, Deterritorialization, and Social Control. CONCORDIA UNIV LIBRARY. Web.