The book by H.J.C von Grimmelshausen harrowing and hilarious “The Adventures of a Simpleton” is generally acclaimed today as the greatest German novel of the 17th century. But when it was published in 1669, it was not considered sophisticated enough to win recognition for its author in respectful circles. Indeed, it is not refined. Set against the horrifying background of the Thirty Years War, its hero—soldier, brigand, philanderer, and killer—is a first cousin of the rascals that cavorted across the pages of the picaresque novel, then recently introduced from Spain. (Grimmelshausen, 5) The novel, however, is more than an adventurous gambol. It is a vivid and realistic re-creation of an age, evoked by an artless and earthy language new to German literature at the time.
The Thirty Years’ War began as a civil war and lasted for the years 1618-1648, mainly on the territory of today’s Germany, and involved most of the powerful European continental states. Although it was from the outset a religious conflict between Protestants and Catholics, the enmity between the Habsburg dynasty and other powers was also a central motive, as shown by the fact that Catholic France under the latent rule of Cardinal Richelieu supported the Protestant side in order to decline the Habsburgs, thereby furthering France’s position as the pre-eminent continental power. This increased the France-Habsburg rivalry which led later to direct war between France and Spain.
Peasants and middle-class people are shown in the present novel as citizens who struggle for their own happiness. Peasants strive to preserve their own lands, in order, they could earn their own living. A contemporary “realistic” novel, Simpleton provides the essence of the society of the Thirty Years’ War, primarily describing the social communication of the peasantry with the nobility and the army, and also, both groups’ interaction with the merchant class. In a dream, Simplicius visualizes the structure of German society as a forest of trees, in which the peasants are the roots from which the society takes its sustenance. The higher classes steal or otherwise appropriate peasant resources and power to fuel their ambitions. Mobility among the classes at the base of the tree, the peasants, merchants, and mercenaries, is fairly easy; however, a large extend of smooth bark, slippery with wax, intervenes between these classes and the nobility, inhibiting further climbing without the aid of those above–and those above aid only their relatives. As the novel progresses and Simplicius is tossed by the accidents of war, we see this model of society in action.
After Geismaier’s withdrawal into Venetian territory, the concluding part of the Peasant War was ended. The peasants were everywhere brought again under the sway of their spiritual, noble, or patrician masters. The agreements that were concluded with them here and there were violated, and heavy burdens were augmented by the enormous indemnities imposed by the victors on the defeated. The outstanding attempt of the German people ended in embarrassing defeat and, for a time, in greater tyranny. Ultimately, however, the situation of the peasants did not become worse. Whatever the aristocracy, princes, and priests could squeeze out of the peasants had been wrung out even before the war. The German peasants of that time had it as a common feature with the modern proletarian, that his share in the products of the work was restricted to a subsistence minimum obligatory for his protection and for the promulgation of the race. It is true that peasants of some little prosperity were ruined. Hosts of bondsmen were forced into serfage; whole stretches of community lands were confiscated; a great number of peasants were driven into vagrancy or made become city plebeians by the destruction of their domiciles and the destruction of their fields in addition to the general disorder. (Grimmelshausen, 73) Wars and wreckages, however, were everyday phenomena at that time, and in general, the peasant class was on too low a level to have its situation made worse for a long time through increased taxes. The subsequent religious wars and finally the Thirty Years’ War with its continuously repeated mass devastations and depopulations pounded the peasants much more excruciatingly than did the Peasant War. It was notably the Thirty Years’ War which destroyed the most important parts of the productive forces in agriculture, through which, as well as through the simultaneous destruction of many cities, it lowered the living standards of the peasants, plebeians, and the ruined city inhabitants to the level of Irish misery in its worst form. Wallenstein had not taken necessary safety measures to avert from himself the destiny he was elaborating for others. From the whole of the neighboring country, the peasantry had fled with their property; and what little provision remained, must be obstinately contested with the Swedes.
Soon, a thousand depraved troops were lying on the ground. Heavy battle on the left arm of the Swedes started; both sides had severe wounds. Wallenstein’s horse was shot from under him. Two thousand were dead on Gustav Adolphus’ side. Two more weeks and the army stayed opposite to each other; hunger and pain increased, soldiers diluted, the peasants became their victims. Need dissolved order, aggression spread, and a dreadful decay of military discipline occurred. Every day reduced their provisions, and as food lack became greater, the excesses of the soldiers made incensed, exercised the wildest indignations on the peasantry. The growing distress broke up all discipline and order in the Swedish troops; and the German masses, in particular, distinguished themselves for the ravages they practiced indiscriminately on friend and foe.
Nuremberg for weeks had to nourish large crowds of people, and after 11 weeks the arrearage of foods came to an end, because there was absolutely no food left, and Gustav Adolphus, who had the larger army, withdrew first. Nuremberg had lost 10,000 citizens; Gustav Adolphus, 20,000 for the reasons of war and epidemics; and all villages and fields were destroyed. The peasants were dying on the roads. There was the smell of die, decaying corpses, and long after the retreat, misery, and need to be remained. Gustav Adolphus drew back. (Grimmelshausen, 176) Wallenstein let him go, and soon after that, left himself, burning down the camp. The Swedes are soldiers in winter as well as in summer, and not disposed to oppress the unfortunate peasantry. The Imperialists may act as they think proper, but they need not expect to remain undisturbed.
Destroyed churches, houses in ashes, harvests willfully destroyed, plundered families, and murdered peasants, marked the progress of these barbarians, under whose plague the whole of Thuringia, Vogtland, and Meissen, lay defenseless. Yet this was but the preface to greater misery, with which Wallenstein himself, at the head of the main army, threatened Saxony. After having left behind him fearful monuments of his fury, in his crusade through Franconia and Thuringia, he arrived with his whole army in the Circle of Leipzig, and compelled the city, after a short resistance, to surrender.
Many, who had before fought under Wallenstein’s standards, had been admiring eyewitnesses of his great actions and experienced his magnanimity, came forward from their retirement, to share with him a second time both booty and glory. The greatness of the pay he promised attracted thousands, and the plentiful supplies the soldier was likely to enjoy at the cost of the peasant, was to the latter an irresistible inducement to embrace the military life at once, rather than be the victim of its oppression. All the Austrian provinces were compelled to assist in the equipment. No class was exempt from taxation — no dignity or privilege from capitation. The Spanish court, as well as the King of Hungary, agreed to contribute a considerable sum. The ministers made large presents, while Wallenstein himself advanced 200,000 tallers from his own income to hasten the armament. The poorer officers he supported out of his own revenues; and, by his own example, by brilliant promotions, and still more brilliant promises, he induced all, who were able, to raise troops at their own expense. Whoever raised a corps at his own cost was to be its commander. In the appointment of officers, religion made no difference.
References
H.J.C von Grimmelshausen, The Adventures of a Simpleton Continuum International Publishing Group, 2002.