Fergusson and Jakobsen (2001) hold that children who exhibit early-onset behavior problems are more exposed to later crime. During adolescence, rule-breaking and antisocial behavior vary. It spans from truancy at school to violent and property offenses and other extreme genres such as sexual assault. The nature of behavior problems particularly the absence or presence of physical aggression is central to a concrete understanding of the origins and effects of conduct problems (Tremblay, 2010). Tremblay (2010) reports that research shows that persistent criminal behaviors happening in adulthood root from strongly disruptive conduct, such as hyperactivity, opposition, and physical aggression among others, in childhood or behavior problems at adolescence (p. 347). The appearance of early life behavior disorder is one of the major risk factors to an adult criminal lifestyle (Moffitt. 2008, p. 691).
According to Moffitt (2008), although delinquency risk factors have been identified, enough research has not been carried out on the risk factors related to the subgroups of behavior disorders that exhibit particular behavior patterns (p. 700). The main categories of risk factors associated with non-violent and violent delinquency include family, neighborhood, peer, school, cognitive, biological, and cognitive characteristics or individual propensities (Wright, 2008, p. 190). Most of these factors are present in the early childhood years while others surface later in adolescence (Loeber, 1997, p. 408). These risk factors are associated with a high probability of adverse behavior occurring.
The family’s socioeconomic status is a core sociological explanation of problematic behavior. Low socioeconomic status families are associated with a higher occurrence of conduct disorders since they subject the youth to the majority of the risk factors associated with crime. The family structure also has a fundamental influence on the occurrence of conduct disorders. Sociological literature indicates that broken homes are a core ingredient for physical aggression in the early years of life (Trembelay, 2010, p. 352). The family structure has an indirect impact on behavior disorders through disjointed and cruel discipline, poor child control, and financial difficulties among other stressful life events (Loeber, 1997, p. 409). Problem behavior also results from coercive and ineffective parenting. Children acquire anti-social styles of interaction such as hostility and generalize them to other social interactions (Wright, 2008, p. 12).
Sampson (1997, p. 251) holds that serious delinquency is usually prevalent in urban areas, particularly among disadvantaged communities. Racially segregated and impoverished neighborhoods are more exposed to adverse conduct owing to the inhibited ability for collective efficacy. Sampson (1997) also identifies two neighborhood features likely to impact the socialization and control of teenagers: residential instability and concentrated economic disadvantage (p. 267). Sampson links residential instability to declining collective efficacy since unstable neighborhoods have limited time for neighbors to interact and develop confidence. Concentrated economic disadvantage limits the resident’s collective efficacy due to the reduced resources for monitoring youths.
According to Piquero (1999, p. 289) delinquency peaks after puberty. Nevertheless, in early adulthood, the offending nature of young people ends abruptly. The explanation given for this trend is that breaking the law during adolescence seems to be normal. During this stage in life, the close relationship among delinquent peers forms the main risk factor for conduct disorder (Wright, 2008, p. 48). The older adolescent peers with early onset problem behavior set an example for their younger ones who are looking for independence from parents (Moffitt, 1993).
Conduct disorders are also associated with externalized and internalized behavior disorders. Tremblay (2010, p. 360) holds that violent young people usually have disruptive conduct in childhood such as impulse control problems and physical aggression. There exists a strong link between inattention and hyperactivity and both conduct problems and later delinquency (Tremblay, 2010). Profound characteristics of chronic criminality include the inability to postpone satisfaction, impulsiveness, offending versatility, and abnormal search for pleasure.
References
Fergusson, D. M., and Jakobsen, J. L. (2001). The Christchurch Health and Development Study: Review of Findings on Child and Adolescent Mental Health. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 35(3), 287–296.
Loeber, R., (1997). Key Issues in the Development of Aggression and Violence from Childhood to Early Adulthood. Annual Review of Psychology, 48, 371–410.
Moffitt, T. E. (1993). Adolescence-Limited and Life-Course-Persistent Antisocial Behaviour: A Developmental Taxonomy. Psychological Review, 100(4), 674–701.
Piquero, A., Paternoster, R., Mazerolle, P., Brame, R., and Dean, C. W. (1999). Onset Age and Offense Specialization. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 36(3), 275–99.
Sampson, R. J., S. (1997). Crime in the Making. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Tremblay, R. E. (2010). Developmental Origins of Disruptive Behaviour Problems: The ‘Original Sin’ Hypothesis, Epigenetics and their Consequences for Prevention. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 51(4), 341–67.
Wright, J.P. (2008). Criminals in the making: Criminality Across the Life Course. Cincinnati: Sage Publisher, Inc.