Introduction
This paper aims to study on Cuban migration to the United States. The document explains migration theories, the categories relevant to the study’s topic, and the classification of migrants. In this case, it is possible to fully disclose the research topic and focus on the significant points. The analysis of scholarly sources will complement the acquired knowledge. In addition, it will become the basis for correctly defining the problem’s essence in the historical context and identifying cause-and-effect relationships.
Analysis
Migration Theories
There is no coherent theory of migration since existing ideas have been developed in isolation and are fragmented, describing particular aspects. Nonetheless, they can still be a starting point for understanding contemporary and past migration processes. By and large, Cuban migration to the United States is closely associated with several migration theories within functionalist and historical-structural paradigms. These theories should be mainly considered in the context of the socio-political climate. On the one hand, the phenomenon of migration over time is caused by political, economic, and social inequalities (De Haas, 2021).
Government crackdowns, oppression of citizens, and labor exploitation seem natural causes that prompted Cubans to flee their homeland en masse. Inflation is steadily rising, and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and American sanctions are manifested. According to the push-pull theory, Cubans moving to the United States results from adverse, push-pull events like poverty, low wages, or lack of opportunities to realize a better, happier life (De Sherbinin et al., 2022). At the same time, America attracts “neighbors” with its strong economy, stability in political life, respect for individual rights and freedoms, excellent opportunities for education and personal development, and more.
On the other hand, such relocation processes are more optimistic. They promote productivity, prosperity, and, consequently, the equality of nations (De Haas, 2021). In other words, Cuba’s declining residents are natural and logical, and migration has always played an essential role in shaping populations and, accordingly, the labor market of specific countries and territories. One way or another, migration must exist to fulfill at least one essential function, such as unifying the immigrant population in a foreign society. For instance, theories addressing sustained migration connect migrants based on kinship, friendship, or origin (De Sherbinin et al., 2022).
Thus, the Mariel Boat Lift in 1980 best demonstrates this point. Cubans were eager to take their family and friends to the host country to show them opportunities and prospects for a better quality of life. Moreover, the attractive factors could be the high level of economic development in America, higher incomes, security, and the opportunity to access the labor market, including in the informal sector, which is especially important for illegal immigrants.
Categories
A wide range of classifications serves as pathfinders for studying migration in the dynamics of the Cuban population. According to Dahinden et al. (2021), categories used in migration research are usually ethnicity, nationality, and religion, requiring separate consideration. It is additionally helpful to pay attention to the category of migrants correlated with the research goals, objectives, and questions: non-return, long-term, permanent migrants, circular, illegal, and displaced migrants.
Firstly, the concepts of “ethnicity” and “identity” allow for a more adequate and accurate description and interpretation of the processes observed in Cuba and America now and in the past, avoiding the analytical and terminological inaccuracies, ambiguities, and undesirable political connotations inherent in these terms. Based on the migration nature and migrants’ socioeconomic activities, ethnicity plays an essential role in Cubans’ lives, especially regarding Americans’ perceptions of foreigners (Niño & Hearne, 2022). One should note that against the historical background, the orientation towards ethnicity among Cuban migrants is situational and permanent, but it is not always determinant in their life strategies.
Secondly, the study’s author stands on the constructivist position, which implies the consideration of ethnic categories and nationalities as phenomena constantly produced during interactions between people. The nationality category manifests itself through the duality of a state and civil society. “Nationality” and “identity” should be seen as a cultural norm, reflecting the emotional reactions of individuals to their nation and national political system, and national identity should not be confused with ethnic identity.
Thirdly, the significant role of religion in migrants’ lives cannot be ignored. The religious factors for migrants are powerful support in socio-psychological adaptation to a new place of residence (Aliyeva & Jabbarov, 2019). This role is exceptionally high when entering a new alien-cultural and alien-ethnic environment. Religion, for most migrants, is a social tool that often, unlike political institutions, allows this category of people to solve the most challenging adaptation issues.
Applications
These categories can be applied to the topic of study from a historical perspective, comparing past and present facts. It is necessary to understand how such essential aspects as ethnicity, nation, and religion had to do with the desire of Cubans to emigrate to the neighboring country. Particular emphasis should be placed on ethnicity, nation, and how Americans have perceived and continue to perceive Cubans. Accordingly, religion can be applied in the case of a situation analysis from the past, using the example of how many Catholics and Protestants fled to the United States for fear of religious persecution after the Revolution and how religiosity affected life in the new country.
Classification of Migrant Waves
The Golden Exile
In the first postrevolutionary migrant wave, the U.S. immigration system categorized Cubans as “golden exiles.” The metaphor emphasizes the importance and significance of these migrants, mainly from the middle and upper classes. These people are essential, valuable, and necessary for transforming American society and the sustainable development of its components. They could feel welcome in America and were treated with respect. Most were light-skinned, middle-aged, well-educated, and of a good background (Kapcia, 2020). In other words, they are white-collar workers who grew up in the big cities of Cuba in intelligent, well-off families (Kapcia, 2020). They fled for political and religious reasons, fearing persecution by the new Government and communist oppression (Castellanos & Gloria, 2018). Moreover, they believed and hoped that the overthrow of the new Government would soon take place and planned to wait for this moment while temporarily staying in the United States.
The Freedom Flights
In the second migrant wave, the U.S. Government classified Cubans as refugees from communism. This status gave them many advantages, such as obtaining permanent residence in the country legally and access to federal safety-net benefits. They were political refugees whose way of life was influenced by the country’s new leaders (Castellanos & Gloria, 2018). Cubans who moved to America through “freedom flights” had more opportunities and prospects than other displaced people.
In the second wave, the share of workers and service personnel increased: small farmers, sellers, and personnel engaged in production and its maintenance. In the future, migrants were more eager to get to the United States based on their desire to improve their standard of living, but not for ideological reasons (Cruz, 2020). Thus, “The Freedom Flights” was the last event when Cubans of any class could be welcomed at the neighboring state’s borders.
The Mariel Boat Lift
Refugees from the new third migrant wave were mainly jailers, mental patients, prostitutes, and homosexuals. The U.S. Government identified these Cubans as “scoria,” translating from Spanish to English as “scum.” (Jacklin, 2019). Additionally, among newcomers to America were young, poorly educated people from the working class, and some of them were black (Jacklin, 2019). In a sense, these people were forced by the Cuban Government to leave the country along with people who returned to their homeland for their relatives.
Undoubtedly, they have been subjected to public contempt in America. The “Mariel Boat Lift” case has undermined all trust and respect for Cubans on the part of U.S. leaders. Notably, law-abiding citizens have faced significant difficulties and have been waiting for U.S. citizenship for a long time (Castellanos & Gloria, 2018). Therefore, in this third wave, the contrast between new migrants in the 80s and migrants from the first wave in the late 50s was especially noticed.
The Balsero Crisis
During the fourth wave, the U.S. immigration system began classifying Cubans as people who threatened national security. The presidential administration feared a repeat of “the Mariel Boat Lift.” If, in the 1960s, the U.S. government welcomed migrants from Cuba as refugees fleeing Fidel Castro’s regime, then in the 90s, a completely different, opposite picture emerged. In addition, it was previously stated that these new people were mostly from low-income families but not from the middle and upper class, as in the 60s. There were many workers, but also highly specialized professionals and managers (Marshall, 2022). Generally, they sought to move to another region to improve their financial condition and create a decent life for themselves and their descendants (Cruz, 2020).
However, the third wave of migrants took root in the minds of the American government as harmful and undesirable. Since then, Americans have treated Cubans with prejudice and apprehension. The U.S. Government strictly regulated the flow of migrants and allowed only some Cubans to “grab a lucky chance.” Unlike Cubans from the third wave, Cubans from the fourth wave were much more reputable and educated. They were primarily light-skinned young men from various cities.
Conclusion
Cuban Migration to the United States is associated with many factors and prerequisites, starting with the Cuban Revolution in 1959 and ending with Cubans’ objective aspirations and desires to improve their quality of life. Migration flows, the growth of which was the events of the 50-60 years, are reflected today and can be interpreted through the prism of theories in terms of functionalist and historical-structural aspects.
On the one hand, people were driven by fear of the unknown and vague prospects, fearing losing all property and wealth. On the other hand, they sought to preserve their status and financial condition, increase their capital, and get more benefits and advantages in the new country. One way or another, the questions posed in the study can be answered using the categories of ethnicity, nationality, and religion, allowing the author to consider the research topic and explore some facts profoundly and in detail.
References
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