There is a grand variety of educational systems styles and variations across the globe, so it is only natural that some of them would be more remarkable than others. However, it is no less important by which criteria the educational system of a certain country is accessed than the mere fact that it is outstanding in some way. As Karr has rightfully noted, Japanese schooling is characterized by an intense curriculum, although, absurdly, it is unable to supply the student with the skills necessary to enter a university. Thus, as a result of the so-called washback effect, the notion of cramming etched into the societal norm, juku schools, which duty consists of preparing Japanese students for exams, contributes majorly to their high rates of stress and sleep deprivation.
The notion of “cram schools” alone seems quite self-contradictory. As Karr has put it, “if the school system is as advanced and efficient, as its proponents claim,” these cram schools would be, essentially, useless. However, on the level of the collective consciousness of Japanese society, they are considered “as part of a social fabric” (Allen, 2016, p. 54). Juku, being a scarcely studied subject in both Japan and abroad, still is a well-known phenomenon to an average Japanese person. Allen (2016) argues that from an educational perspective, juku “tends to encourage learning of short-term strategies, such as memorization of content, rather than developing a greater understanding of underlying principles,” contradicting the very purpose of education (p. 54). In that sense, Karr’s idea about the paramilitary nature of cram schools in Japan makes sense: especially when its contradictory nature adds up to other factors discussed below.
The concept of a washback is an important mediator when studying standardized testing, and subsequently, the notion of juku. It refers to the effects that testing is having on the nature of the curriculum itself – its direct influence and alteration, and not for the good of ingestion of valuable information or the proper understanding of it. In spite of the possibility of the washback being positive, Allen (2016) writes that “even when tests are designed with positive washback in mind, the actual effect may not be as predicted” (p. 60). Therefore, the notion of a washback only adds up to the fact that juku curriculum is focused on the cultivation of short-term test-taking techniques and content that is not understood; by are encouraged to learn anyway.
Despite all of the drawbacks already discussed, the amount of time that juku occupies in a student’s life is very significant. According to Karr’s text, many students are constantly tired, and this is supported by statistical evidence. Allen (2016) states that “51% of participants spent more than 2 years in cram school”, with their weekly homework resulting “in 60% of cases, between 2 and 4 hours” (p. 60). Taking into account the immense body of information that juku instructs its students to process and the homework from their public school, one can see that the amount definitely exceeds a student’s limit.
Perhaps, it can be quite unintuitive to think now, but at one point, juku was not as widely accepted in Japan as it is today. Before the reformation of the education system, in the 1960s, juku “was not welcomed by the authorities,” and in the 1970s, even criticized precisely for “interfering with mainstream teaching” (Yamato & Zhang, 2017, p. 329). At one point, it was dubbed “a social vice” – and nowadays, enrolling in juku for a Japanese student goes without saying (Yamato & Zhang, 2017, p. 329). Contrary to that notion, recent reforms have shown high levels of government support for cram schools, which has “explicitly encouraged collaboration between schools and juku” (Yamato and Zhang, 2017, p. 330). Nowadays, it is considered to be for the benefit of society. It is important to raise a question: why has the perception of juku changed so drastically, while its functions, along with major downfalls, essentially remained the same – and what agenda the Japanese government is actually after. The fact of such radical change in relation to juku’s contribution to society may only be rationed with Karr’s statements, one that juku aids in keeping students extremely busy and trains them, like soldiers, to sacrifice their personal interests.
In conclusion, the evidence collected from different studies on the notion of the Japanese shadow education phenomenon – juku, points to the fact that Karr’s ideas do, in fact, reflect reality. Perhaps, his statements are put in a slightly exaggerated manner; however, the general idea is correctly put. Evidently, Japanese students are experiencing high levels of stress due to the multiple responsibilities assigned to them by the educational system and policy. A great percentage of all students have several hours of additional homework each week, with more than a half of them going to bed at late hours because of it. Obviously, such behavior results in stress and sleep deprivation, which does not seem to be an intentional consequence of a juku; however, it is present in many lives. Thus, personally, I agree with Karr to a great extent, with the exception that his statement is slightly more emotional and exaggerated than it could have been.
References
Allen, D. (2016). “Japanese cram schools and entrance exam washback”. The Asian Journal of Applied Linguistics, 3(1), pp. 54-67.
Karr, A. (n/d). “School and Cram School”.
Yamato, Y., & Zhang, W. (2017). “Changing schooling, changing shadow: shapes and functions of juku in Japan”. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 37(3), pp. 329–343.