Introduction
The Columbian archipelago consists of San Andrés, Old Providence, and Catalina Islands. It is located about 208 kilometers east of Blue Fields, Nicaragua, 720 kilometers south of Grand Cayman, and 800 kilometers west-northwest of Cartagena, Colombia (González, et al., 2018). In the northern section of the chain, there are three large populated islands and many uninhabited atolls, whereas, in the southern half, there are two atolls (Tanksalvala, 2018b). A Biosphere Reserve designated by the Archipelago in 2000 has been a part of the World Biosphere Reserve Network.
The barrier reef off Old Providence and Ketlina Islands is 32 kilometers long. Its area is more than 250,000 square feet, which can be considered quite significant (Tanksalvala, 2018c). The marine resources of the Colombian mainland, as well as vessels from Central and Caribbean America, are severely threatened by poaching and commercial fishing. Immigrants from the interior of Colombia and their descendants, as well as those from the Middle East, contribute significantly to the pollution and clogging of port waters due to poor disposal of solid waste.
There are two worlds for native islanders on both islands. One is based on community input built until the 1960s, and the other is an idea-driven one imposed by the one-sided continental development model that predominates today. Twelve years ago, the islanders of Old Providence began and led their visioning process to meet their development requirements (Yates Taylor, 2020). It was vital for them to monitor the present and the future, but it was also essential to take responsibility for their own growth, but they were unable to do so. As a result, San Andres islanders cannot launch and sustain long-term community development and long-term community vision processes because they lack effective alternatives and chances to unify and organize their people. People from outside San Andres have been leading and initiating the visioning activities on the island. There, the process has primarily focused on recovering land, identity, and culture; in Old Providence, the focus has been on local initiatives to maintain economic control. The problem that this study will focus on is finding ways to create business opportunities that take into account the interests of indigenous people.
Background of the Case
As far as Columbia is concerned, only the Archipelago of San Andres, Old Providence, and Santa Catalina constitutes an oceanic or West Indies Department. More than 83,000 people live on a land area of 57 square kilometers on these islands (Cuming, 2017). There are farmlands, tourist spots, traditional towns in remote locations, and heavily inhabited places. According to historical records, the island of San Andres has never been permanently settled. Puritans from England first arrived in Old Providence and Santa Catalina in 1630 and 1641, respectively (Cuming, 2017). The continental development model ignored islanders’ intimate ties to their marine environment.
Due to the government’s plans and projects, there have been losses to the island’s natural and cultural systems. Old Providence and Santa Catalina, two of the world’s most remote and small islands, have also undergone sociocultural transformations, but cultural homogeneity has helped mitigate their adverse effects (Tanksalvala, 2018a). As part of the Seaflower Biosphere Reserve visioning process, Old Providence and Santa Catalina picked ecotourism as their principal platform for tourist growth. However, the indigenous people of San Andrés Island are seeking to regain their distinctiveness and identity, as well as sufficient authority to choose their destiny. The clash of interests between two different groups is what makes the islands a unique object of study. Their fate is an excellent example of how the failure to account for cultural differences can lead to conflicts and worsen the negotiation process.
The Colombian Government and the People of the Archipelago
People in the Archipelago are geographically and culturally isolated from their country. Old Providence and Santa Catalina are the most isolated areas, and an important fact is that the locals themselves create barriers on purpose. These barriers are not geographical but social — local people take measures to preserve the national language and culture and prevent outside influence. The Colombian government has recently realized that it is difficult to govern the remote oceanic islands because of their isolation, small land area, and distinct cultural traditions. This does not negate the importance of considering the interdependence of ecological and social systems in any planning or management. Even more importantly, the authorities need to acknowledge that indigenous islanders have a right and a responsibility to their socio-economic development.
Not all those who live in San Andres, Old Providence, and Santa Catalina are islanders. San Andrés, whose Free Port was the primary source of the island’s economic activity, is home to a small number of natives. They have been displaced by the Colombians from the rest of the country and are subject to various forms of discrimination because of their ethnic and cultural background. Residents of Colombia’s Pacific and Atlantic coasts are subject to prejudice and marginalization. The term “indigenous people” used to be applied to islanders from the mainland, but it has since been changed to avoid confusion with those from the dominant Colombian culture. These people of African descent speak the Creole language based on English, with many words coming from African and Caribbean languages.
The Common Past
Archipelago del Rosario joined Colombia in 1822 following a voluntary surrender. However, historians argue that the islands were invaded to force the devotion of the local islanders to the country of Colombia” (Tanksalvala, 2018b). A colonization and Colombianization campaign was adopted in 1912 by the Colombian government, which forced the native islanders to adopt the prevalent mainland Spanish language and religion, and cultural manifestations. For the following 90 years, the islands became a self-sufficient and well-organized society with its own educational, ecclesiastical, and judicial institutions. During the 1960s, San Andres saw considerable changes after the Dictator General Rojas Pinilla’s declaration in 1953 that the islands were a “free port” (Tanksalvala, 2018c). In addition to airports, ports, hotels, and stores, immigrants’ housing was also built during the building boom. It also brought jobs against the islanders’ unique identities, personalities, and customs.
Many people, including entire families, migrated to San Andres under the impression that it would open up new opportunities for them. Compared to the more oversized island of San Andres, migration, unchecked expansion, and environmental and biological devastation were less severe on Old Providence and Santa Catalina (Yates Taylor, 2020). Old Providence and Santa Catalina locals have battled hard against outsiders’ efforts to establish significant tourist attractions like timeshares. Issues related to how the indigenous population feels about foreigners doing business can be a serious obstacle to the cultural and business development of the region.
The Socio-Economics
All individuals had equal land and sea resources access, including the food they supplied, the capacity to produce and rear livestock, and the ability to fish. Disowned from land and the money scarcity were traded for a poor life quality that included low living standards and a disowned from land. Islanders were left as “aliens” on their territory because they could exchange a high living level for common living standards. The land was formerly used for agriculture but is now used for housing and infrastructure. Due to out-of-control population development, a natural “landscape” has given way to concrete structures and shanty settlements.
Native islanders lost their agriculture, fishing, and primary production talents and stopped living off the land, abandoning their traditional lifestyles. Before the emergence of the service industry, primary production was the predominant source of income for the islands (Tanksalvala, 2018b). Canned foods and other less nutritious items were imported more often because of a drop in local food supply. This led to the formation of a new economy that quickly diminished the odds of native islanders surviving. Doing business with an indigenous islander workforce should convince natives that the projects will benefit them, not harm them. One of the best ways to organize business could be to support agriculture, which will improve the standard of living of the islanders.
Results
Small island projects, in particular, necessitate the participation of all stakeholders, especially those with a stake in the present and future of the community at hand, to be genuinely sustainable. All participants will benefit from the opportunity to learn from each other and contribute to the island’s development as a whole. To help shape the community’s future, its residents must band together and share their daily lives, knowledge, and experiences. This is the only way for everyone to be involved in the process.
San Andres, Old Providence, and Santa Catalina natives have a wide range of interests and activities that they participate in daily. A shared vision can be developed, owned, and implemented more effectively if everyone involved shares and understands these ideas. The development of the islands has been a top-down approach for the past three decades, but these plans have not been implemented (Tanksalvala, 2018b). Environmental degradation and ethnic identity loss have been caused by improvised national and local institutional programs, creating tensions between indigenous islanders and continental immigrants. Language and cultural barriers and the exclusion from social and financial rewards contribute to the discrepancy. Native islanders and the national government have a strained relationship. Non-natives cannot work in the tourist industry on their island since their rights to traditional fishing grounds are not recognized or honored. Low-paying employment on cruise ships or high-paying drug trafficking travels between Colombia and North America are the only options.
Conclusion
Islanders’ traditional needs, knowledge, and desire for public management autonomy should be considered in the design and implementation of institutional reforms. Since the early 1990s, the visioning process in Old Providence and Santa Catalina has been unable to be implemented because of a lack of support from the government. The execution of the Integrated Ecotourism Action Plan for Old Providence and Santa Catalina requires broad-based governmental and commercial support. Local and national relationships are needed since significant actors in Colombia’s tourism business are national-based, such as airlines and big tour operators. One of the possible discussion questions could be how to bridge the gap between the indigenous islanders and the mainland population. In addition, it seems interesting to examine how such disagreements have been resolved in other societies with similar ethnic structures and histories.
References
Cuming, S. (2017). Providence, Santa Catalina and San Andres (1629-1901): The butler diary and other curiosities. Bottom House Publishing.
González, P., Londono, W., & Parga Dans, E. (2018). Equality and hierarchy, sovereignty and multiculturalism: The heritagisation of Raizals in Santa Catalina (Colombia). Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 46, 1-10. Web.
Tanksalvala, S. (Host). (2018a). Providence island 1: Anatomy of a failure money [Audio podcast episode]. American History Podcast. Web.
Tanksalvala, S. (Host). (2018b). Providence island 2: You have to spend money to make money [Audio podcast episode]. American History Podcast. Web.
Tanksalvala, S. (Host). (2018c). Providence island 3: Old problems and new solutions [Audio podcast episode]. American History Podcast. Web.
Yates Taylor, H. E. (2020). From creole to English and from creole to Spanish. University of Santo Tomas.