Perceptions of the Wearing of Hijabs by Muslim Women Research Paper

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Introduction

With the development of globalization processes, there is an intensification of ethnic, cultural, and religious mixing, which in turn leads to the emergence of multicultural clashes. One such basis for the development of conflict is the extrapolation of the Eastern experience to a Western environment in which the wearing of the hijab by women may be perceived by Westerners as provocative or threatening (Freedman, 2007; Eid, 2014). An obvious consequence of this is the discrimination of Muslim women in Western communities, leading to the denial of their rights to wear the hijab in public places (Masih & Shih, 2022). This pattern requires attention because, in democratic societies, there is a paradoxical disadvantage to women with different religions (Alimahomed-WilSon, 2020). Thus, the hijab as a covering of a Muslim woman’s head leads to a multiplicity of interpretations, the results of which become a manifestation of discrimination — for this reason, examining the reasons for and perceptions of the wearing of hijabs by Muslim women in Western communities has essential research value, enabling a deeper examination of the cultural framework of the hijab in both Eastern and Western environments.

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This literature review examines the causes and dualities of perception that the wearing of the hijab creates; it provides a two-pronged view of the hijab issue, namely multicultural and intersectional. Both paradigms assume that the hegemonic values of Western centrism ignore the cultural frameworks of traditions that are foreign to them and instead tend to view them in a negative way (Göle and Billaud, 2011). The literature review concludes with a largely hypocritical view of the hijab, in which the hijab as a symbol is encouraged or forbidden depending on the needs of a particular community.

A Multicultural View

Many writers studied faced a problem understanding the meanings women placed on wearing the traditional hijab. While some writers were inclined to postulate only dichotomous meanings, others, on the contrary, actively criticized this approach and offered many reasons. Safdar and Jassi’s (2022) work, based on an evaluated factor analysis unique MOTH scale, is most appealing in this regard, showing that the reasons for wearing the hijab should be looked at from a multicultural paradigm. Safdar and Jassi’s work uses the survey of 442 Canadian Muslim women to determine why respondents choose to wear the hijab. Some of the specific factors the authors cite are as a symbol of worship to God, as an indicator of a political statement of faith, as the desire to attract respectful attitudes, and as a factor to protect against unnecessary stares. The latter seems particularly worrying because other authors, including Freedman (2007) and Eid (2014), have reported that wearing hijabs does not save Muslim women from unwanted actions but rather provokes them. Safdar and Jassi point out that wearing the hijab can be considered in terms of identity theory (2009). By wearing the hijab, they may invest it with a sense of reinforcing their sense of belonging to a particular culture, which satisfies their demands. In continuation of Safdar and Jassi’s thought, one should quote Bilge (2010), who showed that human subjectivity, and thus patterns of perception of reality, are conditioned by ideological considerations, the consequence of which is their behavior. Bilge uses poststructuralist critique to contradict common patterns of hijab perception and define the role of female agency. In other words, women choose for themselves what they want to wear, which is motivated by the Muslim woman’s explanations.

However, not all authors are as verbose about explaining the reasons for wearing the hijab, although this does not mean that some works are superior to others. An intriguing thought was published in a religious essay by Rahman (2020), who argues that wearing the hijab is primarily a symbol of chastity and a dress code to be observed based on Sharia law. However, Al-Kazi and González (2018) point out that the face is not haram, so its covering is social rather than religious symbolism. Rahman’s work, different from the other sources of this literature review, tells the reader about the Qur’anic social construct that encourages women to cover their heads traditionally; the term “traditionally” was not used casually because the author, unlike Safdar and Jassi (2009) or Bilge (2010), advocates depriving women of autonomy in their choice of hijab and openly criticizes trends toward fashionable hijabs. It is worth mentioning that the hijab has indeed gained increased popularity in the last thirty years, resulting in the gradual losing its indigenous religious symbolism (Al-Kazi & González, 2018). This makes this essay extremely interesting to place within the framework of a literary review, as it allows for the exploration of alternative research opinions.

The Symbolic Perception

Few works discuss the specific reasons for wearing the hijab, as most focus on the symbolic perception of the act by the Western community into which Muslim women are trying to integrate. Bilge (2010) points out that the Western community often perceives wearing the hijab as a sign of women’s imprisonment: this conclusion is prevalent in both academic and public sources, but it is difficult to say that this is entirely true; rather, the deprivation of liberty through the wearing of the hijab contradicts the idea that Muslim women tend to have self-determination (Janmohamed, 2021; Göle & Billaud, 2011). Meanwhile, the Western agenda has often positioned the hijab through a negative paradigm. Several authors point to the unbreakable association of the hijab with terrorism, which has been reinforced since the tragic events of 2001 (Alimahomed-WilSon, 2020; Freedman, 2007). This does not seem surprising, especially in the context of the ease of visual perception of the hijab, as reported by Safdar and Jassi (2022). Safdar & Jassi do not specify the reason for this association, but it can be found in Eid (2014), who accuses the media of inflating the agenda. The researcher believes that this negative perception of the hijab is blamed on the media, which tends to portray the hijab as a threat in the name of political Western-centric motives.

It is common for authors to mention threats in the context of the hijab. At least Bilge (2010), Paz & Kook (2021), and Freedman (2007) write about the threat as a factor in the perception of women wearing the hijab. The authors point to the same idea: wearing the hijab is perceived by the Western community in a dualistic way, either as a factor of subjugation or as a threat. In terms of subordination, the hijab is closely related to the patriarchal traditions of the East, in which a woman must submit to her man (Akporherhe & Oghenerioborue, 2022; Bilge, 2010). This idea echoes a more liberally written article by Safdar and Jassi (2022), who pointed to the modesty factor as one reason for choosing the hijab. From a threat perspective, Bilge (2010) points out that wearing the hijab can be perceived as an open protest against Western hegemony. Thus, wearing the hijab may indeed be seen as some form of active protest. Although several sources have pointed to the countervailing aspect of hijab-wearing, none has answered why a Muslim woman in another culture needs to protest and whether this protest makes long-term sense or becomes a cause for developing confrontations. In turn, confrontations against Muslim women are more frequent than the promotion of cultural self-determination: acts of physical violence, misrepresentation in the media, and persecution are regularly reported (Eid, 2014; Freedman, 2007). For example, 75% of Muslims surveyed in the United States said they regularly feel discriminated against for religious and cultural reasons, with half of the sample saying that being Muslim in the United States has become more complicated in recent years (Pew Research Center, 2017). In this context, the hijab is also referred to as a subject of gender oppression, but these views apply to Western perceptions of Eastern traditions (Eid, 2014). In other words, where the Western hegemonic sees oppression and inequality, the representative of the Muslim community perceives it as the norm for their culture.

Thus, academic discourse does not present a unified view of Muslim women’s reasons for and perceptions of hijab-wearing in the Western community. There is a clear tendency to liberalize the act, and the driving forces behind the decision to wear the hijab are explored differentially, from the religious to the ideological and political. At the same time, wearing the hijab is often interpreted negatively by the Western public and associated with oppression, gender inequality, and threat. However, there are positive aspects, including self-identification and resistance to Western hegemony.

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The Intersectional Paradigm

What several authors claim is actively overlooked by the public when considering both the causes and consequences of wearing the hijab is the intersectional perspective. In their research paper based on a literature review, Göle and Billaud (2011) reported that the problem with Western centrism is the refusal to place a particular phenomenon within a historical context. It is much easier for an individual unfamiliar with Eastern traditions and not ready to accept the fact that a Muslim woman’s self-determination is possible to associate the hijab with a threat to herself than with the culture and traditions of another ethnicity. Such a community fears that “outsiders” will destroy the identity of their culture and introduce atypical traditions and patterns (Schwarz, 2017). Notably, the name for such traditions is found in two works: Göle and Billaud (2011) and Alimahomed-WilSon (2020) have chosen words to describe this invasion. Alimahomed-WilSon, in his work based on semi-structured interviews, labeled invasive traditions barbaric, whereas Göle and Billaud called them archaic. It is unknown how much the authors themselves agreed with these terms, but, more importantly, the fact that such emotional adjectives are used demonstrates the high egocentricity of Western communities.

It is impossible not to classify the treatment of Muslim women as hypocritical. From the perspective of multiculturalism, Muslim women are a marginalized group, which in European countries seek to get out of this position. Göle and Billaud (2011) report an increased presence of Muslim women in political groups and activist movements in recent years. The hijab, in this sense, is used as an easily perceived symbol of diversity — to see a woman wearing a hijab in parliament is tantamount to understanding the practical measures that the government uses to demarginalize this community. Meanwhile, the hijab was openly and officially used to symbolize gender oppression when the U.S. Army decided to enter Afghanistan (Göle & Billaud, 2011; Ahmadi & Tariq, 2022). It turns out that, on the one hand, the hijab is a tool to demonstrate governmental liberality, especially in multicultural communities, and on the other hand, it is a tool to pressure society. Both examples can be called hypocritical since wearing the hijab is not seen from the perspective of women and their choice of self-determination but is used at convenient moments for the authorities.

Ambiguity is also noted in feminist agency movements that address social agenda issues. While it seems that feminist movements are supposed to fight for women’s rights they stem from the most popular tendencies in the West toward these rights (Okech, 2020). Alimahomed-WilSon (2020) calls this phenomenon homonationalism, in which Western cultures are seen as more progressive. Eid (2014) continues these thoughts when he says that Muslim women in feminist communities are seen as needing help and protection. On the other hand, feminist communities are heterogeneous, so some members understand the importance of intersectional consideration; this leads to the development of divisions within such communities. Göle and Billaud gave an illustrative example when, during a parade to draw attention to the problems of the oppressed, Muslim women were placed alongside prostitutes, leading to a wrong perception of this cohort: “All veiled girls are whores!” (Göle & Billaud, 2011, p. 126). This example demonstrates the degree of respect that Muslim women can receive in Western countries and the internal attitude of the feminist community towards this group.

Although the intersectional paradigm should treat each case of oppression carefully, it creates uncertainties. These uncertainties cause the development of an unfriendly perception of women wearing the hijab. Eid (2014) states that Muslim women are outsiders to Western culture, so locals need to rally to protect their identity: concrete measures can be banning the wearing of hijabs (Freedman, 2007). The French conflict is the most revealing in this regard because it raises liberal multiculturalism and coercive discrimination issues. The French hijab controversy is known for its ban on traditional Muslim dress because of the assumption of gender discrimination experienced by Muslim women (Bilge, 2010; Göle & Billaud, 2011). Even in recent years, French Muslim women have been harassed, including in the electoral arena and at sporting events, because of wearing the hijab (Lang, 2021; Woodyatt et al., 2022). France’s experience was extrapolated to other countries, leading to the banning of hijabs in swimming pools, parks, and universities (Göle & Billaud, 2011; Masih & Shih, 2022). Similar strategies are discriminatory to Muslim women, and to the progressive reader, this would indeed be wrong since the implication is that any modern woman has the right to self-determination. Not all authors agree with this: as Bilge (2010) writes, there is a phenomenon in which the oppressed individual tries the hardest to defend their oppressed position. Faced with sexism in their families and gendered Islamophobia, these women are victims of sexual harassment, unfair law enforcement, and surveillance (Alimahomed-WilSon, 2020; Bilge, 2010; Eid, 2014). However, Göle and Billaud disagree with the thesis of Muslim women being forced to wear the hijab, pointing out that “in the search for their own identity, veiled Muslim women experiment and look for their voice by… creating new ways of being female in public” (p. 124). The intersectional paradigm does not demonstrate a unified approach to the problem of the Muslim woman but instead creates opportunities for pluralism of opinion.

Thus, the intersectional prism must be applied whenever the phenomenon of a woman wearing the hijab in the Western community is discussed since examining cases without the individual context is meaningless. However, this paradigm is not standardized for the whole society, including the feminist community, which creates conditions for fragmentation and slows down the pace of solving this problem. Wearing the hijab is simultaneously seen as a freedom of self-determination for women in the practice of inclusion and as a threat to cultural identity, leading to its prohibition in the most progressive countries. Consequently, a practice of social cynicism is formed, in which the hijab is somehow seen as the quintessence of the Muslim world.

Conclusion

The problem of the wearing of the hijab in Western communities remains relevant and unresolved. A plurality of opinions has been shown, in which the hijab is viewed based on the author’s subjective experiences: this plurality of interpretations proves to be confusing but describes well the state of the current agenda. Without critical understanding, a Muslim woman wearing a hijab continues to be perceived by part of society as an extension of the terrorist husband. Despite the dynamics, women continue to face gender racism and femonationalism. However, this perception is slowly changing over time.

References

Ahmadi, B., & Tariq, M. O. (2022). How the Taliban’s hijab decree defies Islam. ISIP. Web.

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Akporherhe, F., & Oghenerioborue, P. U. (2022). Ritual of circumcision, mood disorders and management in Camara Laye’s the African child. Zango: Zambian Journal of Contemporary Issues, 34(1), 52-68.

Al-Kazi, L. A., & González, A. L. (2018). . Social Compass, 65(5), 566-590.

Alimahomed-Wilson, S. (2020).. Gender & Society, 34(4), 648-678.

Bilge, S. (2010). Journal of Intercultural Studies, 31(1), 9-28.

Eid, M. (2014). [PDF document].

Freedman, J. (2007). . Review of International Studies, 33(1), 29-44.

Göle, N., & Billaud, J. (2011). Islamic difference and the return of feminist universalism. European Multiculturalisms: Cultural, Religious and Ethnic Challenges, 116-141.

Janmohamed, S. (2021). Opinion.

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Lang, C. (2021). . Time.

Masih, N., & Shih, G. (2022). The Washington Post.

Okech, A. (2020). Critical African Studies, 12(3), 313-329.

Pew Research Center. (2017). . PRC.

Rahman, M. M. (2020). PDF document].

Safdar, S., & Jassi, A. (2022). . Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 25, 227–236.

Schwarz, J. (2017). . The Intercept.

Woodyatt, A., Bashir, N., & Mawad, D. (2022). . The impact on women could be devastating. CNN.

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