By offering favors, the machine politicians were able to win loyalty from the immigrants in the US. For instance, in New York City, “Big Tim,” an Irish leader, was able to have dominion over Lower Eastern Side in early 1910 when 85% of the area encompassed Jews and Italians (Judd and Swanstrom 62). “Big Tim” and other Irish lieutenants offered foodstuff, coal, and rent money to the impoverished Italians and Jews in the Lower East Side.
Some police stations in this area were also set aside to serve as temporary shelters for the homeless immigrants. Also, the leadership expedited the acquisition of business licenses to the immigrant shop owners. By making life better, the machine politicians were able to win the hearts of the needy and homeless immigrants, which could later propel them to be politically influential in their areas of residence. Ethnicity and race have significantly impacted the politics in the US municipalities, with the majority-minority groups gradually becoming more politically significant than their counterparts.
Political leaders played a significant role in the assimilation of millions of poor immigrants into a hostile society to all new ethnic groups. The politicians who were opportunists, referred to as the machines, aided the assimilation of the immigrants and helped them have a sense of belonging in the new areas of residence(Judd and Swanstrom 61). The political leaders sponsored sports, music, and picnics among the immigrant groups to help them feel accommodated. People of color were sidelined during resource allocation, and only the majority groups benefited most. In the long run, white-collar jobs were mainly taken by the majority races, and the employed people favored their respective races, thus disadvantaging people of color (Browning et al. 219).
According to Judd and Swanstrom (67), cities were outright magnets for many immigrants, resulting in unprecedented racial and ethnic competition for political influence. The immigrants were eventually compelled to come up with ways to remain politically influential in different areas. It was apparent that the machine politicians took advantage of the impoverished immigrants by devoting vast resources at their disposal to meeting the needs of the immigrants within their areas of jurisdiction.
Lack of political representation of minority groups within the areas where immigrants resided was a challenge. According to Browning et al. (219), resources were not evenly distributed amongst the immigrant population comprising people of color. In the 1970s, there was a demographic change in urban settlement areas. There was a notable rise in Latino and Black populations in these cities. The upsurge of Civil Rights movements and Great Society programs served as a stepping stone for the many African-American and Latino activists when pursuing politics. The revolution triggered literature that focused on how ethnic groups mobilized and sought common ground in cities such as New York and Los Angeles.
The abovementioned literature highlighted the electoral legislation concerning racially mixed towns for at least twenty years. The literature made European-Americans start accommodating demands from the Latino and Black activists (Browning et al. 219). The inception of literature about politics in cosmopolitan areas augmented the accommodation of politicians from minority groups.
Many European Americans were predominantly living in the suburban areas of the US as the large minority groups overwhelmingly lived in cities. Oliver (317) records that in the 1960s, many whites started moving from towns to the out-of-town areas of the US. At the same time, the majority of the minority groups mainly resided in the city centers. Even to date, the largest population in the US cities is non-whites.
People usually migrated to areas that had many people of their ethnicity. African Americans, for instance, moved to cities that had high numbers of blacks than where whites are predominant. Initially, as Oliver (318) records, Central towns served were the key areas where machine politicians operated. The scenario mentioned above explains why many cities have African American mayors who are usually reelected or replaced by other blacks. Since African Americans and other minority ethnic groups live around cities compared to the white who initially settled in suburb parts of the US, politics in the cities have become significantly and ethnically controlled by the main minority groups.
Literature also played a significant role in making blacks and Hispanics influence local government. According to Browning et al. (220), the literature delved into emphasizing the American community to incorporate the minority groups in politics. The literature complained that there were very few members from minority groups in authority which was a shred of evidence that they were not well represented. Though the elected leaders had marginal influence in decision-making in a European-American-dominated political setup, the ascension of Blacks and Hispanics to political power was a milestone achievement. Gradually, Blacks and Hispanics started to be politically incorporated, and the literature kept on challenging the American society to integrate individuals from minority groups in metropolitan decision-making.
Black demonstrations and civil rights movements played a significant role in making minority groups have more political influence in metropolitan parts of the US. From the late 1950s to the mid-1970s, there was increased turmoil of political revolutions, demands, and demonstrations- at times peaceful, though mostly violent, were experienced in most areas in the US (Browning et al. 220). African-Americans relentlessly mounted aggression on the pre-existing structures that propagated ethnic profiling and exclusion throughout the US, where blacks were many. Latinos also joined the fight for civil rights since they were also facing racial discrimination in the US.
The revolution started with the civil rights movements that challenged the sidelining of African Americans in US politics, government, and education. In the mid-1960s, there was mass violence in Newark, Los Angeles, Detroit, and other major cities. The riots were meant to fight for equal representation of the minority groups in the US (Browning et al. 221). African Americans and Latinos staged demonstrations to augment their access to education and political power.
African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and other marginalized groups were denied rights to access government services at the local levels and thus were compelled to fight for their rights relentlessly. According to Browning et al. (226), the major marginalized races in the US yearned to end the increasing exclusion when trying to access political and government resources and processes. These groups advocated for respect from the government and started to enjoy the privileges of different policies and programs that could empower them. The groups wanted to have an equal share of the government resources and end discrimination.
They wanted more minority groups to ascend to top city jobs and to get city contracts. However, racism was quite pervasive in the 1960s since mainly European Americans controlled the city governments. The struggle by the minority groups took longer since the whites were not willing to give up their control of the metropolitan government. Though white supremacists made it hard for the minority groups to fight for their civil rights, these groups did not relent in their endeavor to fight for positions that could help them shape city policies.
The minority groups sought representation in the city governments by embarking on being politically powerful. According to Browning et al. (225), the most prominent cities in the US had a composition of 20-55% of whites. The remaining population, comprising of the minority groups, has momentously influenced elections in the US. Gradually, following the relentless efforts of activists, many people of color have worked as mayors, senior politicians, and other government officials, but the representation is deemed not sufficient. Since African Americans in the US offices are not satisfactorily advocating for substantive demands, other minority groups are brought on board to control the political realms amid the opposition from the white supremacists (Browning et al. 226). In the quest for immense political control in the cities, the minority groups form a governing coalition to hold and retain mayor positions for a long time in the face of opposition. Since the minority groups have good numbers, they have associations that help them attain most of the top city government posts, making them more politically influential in the metropolis.
It is worth noting that the African American race leaders have high chances of retaining their political seats. Hajnal (188) carried research focused on the reelection bid during the twentieth century concerning the African American mayors in all major US cities. The researcher reports that African Black mayors mostly won in these cities, whereby since 1965, they have won by 78% in their reelection bid, that is, 98 out of 126 cases. The research records that Black mayors have high chances of being reelected than their white counterparts. Hajnal (188) shows that white and black incumbent mayors are treated equally with the American electorates. The researcher notes that most African American mayors represent cities that black people are more than whites. African American voters tend to favor their black mayor candidates over white candidates. Black mayors are voted due to the immense voting unity from the black people and not the increasing support from the European Americans.
African American city leaders have a high tendency of reelection, even in black minority cities. According to Hajnal (189), in the minority black cities where it can be presumed that whites have a significant influence on the outcome, black incumbent mayors had an 80% reelection chance. It is worth noting that Blacks did not win the elections in these cities because the white electorates were compelled to elect them. The author records that even in the black minority cities where the black incumbent mayors faced stiff competition from a white competitor, the black incumbents had a 73% reelection possibility. The black incumbent mayors had incredible results when competing against white counterparts than against black competitors. Gradually, minority groups have significantly gained more political influence in metropolitan areas, with African Americans being more reelected than European Americans.
Cuban Americans had a voting pattern that was aligned to the Republican Party in the US. The Cubans from Miami voted ethnically in favor of the Republican Party due to the immense benefits they got from the party (Rae & Moreno 200). The Republican Party had played a significant role in uplifting the abovementioned group’s socioeconomic status, thus serving as an instance of the ethnic voting pattern in the metropolitan parts of the US.
The Cuban American race offered overwhelming and passionate support to politicians identified with the Republican Party. The aftermath of this scenario is that even though Cuban Americans were a minority group in the US, politicians inclined to the Republican Party sought their support and made the group influential politically. The Cuban Americans voted as a block in favor of the Republican Party since it had been of help to them, thus showing that ethnicity is eminent in political status in the US.
Political parties form coalitions with particular ethnic groups in the quest for victory during elections. According to Rae and Moreno (200), in the 1990 elections, Cuban-Americans’ coalition with the Republican-allied politicians successfully propelled Ros-Lehtinen to victory. Cuban Americans unanimously voted for Ros-Lehtinen, who was affiliated with the Republican Party Ros-Lehtinen’s victory is a clear indication that ethnic voting is eminent in metropolitan parts of the US. In the 1980s, ethnic voting was also evident among the Jewish electorates who overwhelmingly supported Jewish candidates than those from other ethnicities.
The continued migration of newer ethnic groups into the US from Southern and Northern parts of Asia and Latin America is highly likely to erupt unprecedented ethnic voting and conflict of interest soon (Rae & Moreno 202). Cuban Americans and Asian Americans are also not left out in ethnic voting since they unanimously vote based on parties that have ever contributed to helping them.
Conclusion
The US municipality politics are mainly influenced by race and ethnicity, and the majority-minority groups significantly impact the results of the elections in these cities. Politicians played a significant role in helping immigrants settle in the US cities in the early 1900s. The machine politicians ensured that the immigrants got privileges and, and in return, offered loyalty in their politics. Many immigrants settled in the urban areas while the whites started moving from towns to the suburbs. With time, immigrants started feeling discriminated against when trying to access government services. African Americans, the majority-minority group in the US, held demonstrations fighting for their rights.
With time, Hispanics and Latinos also joined the civil rights movements. For a long time, the minority groups were disadvantaged. In the 1970s, cities mainly constituted the Latinos and Blacks, which motivated their interest in seeking political influence. Literature also played a significant role in making some Americans embrace the African American activists’ ideologies. Gradually, African Americans and Hispanics rose to power, and this was a milestone in making them more politically influential.
Though minority groups were becoming more politically influential in the metropolitan areas, white supremacists still influenced the city government. As the activists progressed with compelling the government to recognize the minority groups, some of them sought elective positions and won. Many blacks became mayors in many cities, which helped African Americans have more political influence. It eventually came to happen that incumbent black mayors had high chances of being reelected than their white counterparts. African American competitors, in most cases, beat Black mayors during elections than whites. Eventually, blacks became more politically influential in cities. The US elections are mainly based on race and ethnicity, whereby minority groups support candidates from their race or ethnicity.
Works Cited
Browning et al. “Can People of Color Achieve Equality in City Government? The Setting and the Issues from Racial politics in American Cities.” 2003, pp. 221-229.
Hajnal, Zoltan. “Black Incumbents and a Declining Racial Divide.” 2007, pp. 184-197.
Judd & Swanstrom. “Party Machines and the Immigrants.” n.d., pp. 48-74.
Oliver, Eric. “Paradoxes of Integration.” 2013, pp. 198-214.
Rae, Dario & Moreno, Nicol. “Ethnicity and Partnership: The Eighteenth Congressional District in Miami.” 1992, pp. 186-203.