Buddhist nationalism in Myanmar has been noticeably more prevalent since the start of the democratic change in 2011. Instead of being a formal organization, MaBaTha might be thought of as a campaign-focused specialized organization. The activities and rise of the group accurately capture how Buddhist Burmese see racial, ethnic, and religious identity as crucial to a sense of national identity. MaBaTha has political objectives that call for limiting the rights of the nation’s racial and religious minorities via changing policies (International Crisis Group 12). This campaigning primarily targets Muslims from the Rohingya ethnic group and publicly contests the idea of distinct citizenship. Burmese Buddhist religious nationalism has been entwined with political and religious objectives ever since Parliament designated Buddhism as the official religion.
MaBaTha’s rise may be seen through social and cultural activities. The group engages in actions that are typical of grassroots movements, such as providing social assistance and promoting shared cultural ideals (International Crisis Group 14). Growing hostilities with the Muslim community, as well as incidents like the Taliban destroying Buddha monuments in 2001, provide MaBaTha fertile ground for the rise. The passage of four pieces of legislation in 2015 served as the movement’s key momentum. The Population Control Law, The Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage Law, The Religious Conversion Law, and The Monogamy Law were adopted by huge lobbying from MaBaTha activists (International Crisis Group 15). By enforcing population control in a state with a majority of Muslims and demanding special authorization for marriage and other customs, these rules practically invalidated other ethnic groups and religions. These laws have drawn a lot of attention from around the world because they seem to be anti-Muslim and discriminatory (International Crisis Group 16). They may also be in violation of Myanmar’s treaty obligations under various international human rights conventions as well as the country’s constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion and equality.
As a major facilitator, MaBaTha bases its tactics and propaganda on epistemic populism. Epistemological populism is a theory of knowledge that favors generic ideas and sentiments that are either attributed to the whole population or a sizable percentage of it over evidence and expert opinion. This became extremely evident in the group’s anti-Rohingya protests and writings. The movement has developed a historical narrative that is entwined with a long-held Buddhist nationalism that claims that only pious Buddhist Burmese are entitled to Burma and that everyone else is an intruder or a threat to the nation (International Crisis Group 25). The movement is also portrayed in MaBaTha propaganda as being opposed to Islam and other non-Burmese customs and beliefs. Although the movement can be viewed as merely an organization, its powerful position, monastic status, and MaBaTha’s political momentum have allowed for the effective deployment of violence against the nation’s unrecognized ethnic and religious minority community.
Despite efforts by more democratic Buddhist groups, such as those affiliated with ASSK, MaBaTha continues to have a significant online and offline presence. As fake news, nationalist slogans, and viral disinformation combine in explosive ways to fuel the political discourse, the rising importance of high-speed internet and social media has worsened ethnic and religious differences in Myanmar (International Crisis Group 31). Due to the military’s strict supervision, Aung San Suu Kyi’s functions were constrained, which ultimately resulted in the coup. Their reaction to the Rohingya and other ethnic conflicts that have pervaded Myanmar since 2011 has been one of inaction, which has only made things worse.
Work Cited
International Crisis Group. “Buddhism and state power in Myanmar.” Crisis Group Asia Report, no. 290 (2017).