Introduction
Religion is playing an increasingly important role in governments around the world as can be seen in the sectarian violence in the Middle East; religious nationalism in South Asia, threats of religious extremism in the West, interreligious battles in Africa and religious suppression in East Asia. A recent Gallup poll reveals that two-thirds of the world’s population identifies itself as religious and faith-based groups are coming to the forefront of political movements both for peacemaking and violent objectives. These religion based movements are having great political impact as can be seen among Buddhists in Sri Lanka, Hindus in India, Catholics in the Philippines, and Pentecostals in Latin America and Africa (Jafari, 2007). Of particular interest is the third world country Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka has a population of 18.5 million of whom the majority are Sinhalese (74%). Other ethnic groups include Sri Lankan Tamils (12.6%), Indian Tamils (5.5%), Moors, Malays, Burghers (of Portuguese & Dutch descent) and others (7.9%). Although Sri Lanka is a multi-religious country, Buddhists constitute the majority with 69.3%. Other religious groups are Hindus 15.5%, Muslims 7.6% and Christians 7.5% (Government of Sri Lanka, 2009). The “Institute on Religion and Public Policy Report” says that there is religious freedom in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has evolved as an independent nation-state since 1948 and has produced a unique type of secularism, enshrined in its constitutions. Article 1 of Sri Lanka’s constitution recognizes the ‘multi-religious character’ of its society. However, Article 7 gives Buddhism “the foremost place and accordingly, it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasunu”. Article 16 allows restrictions on the freedom of speech in order to protect religious harmony. Articles 17, 18 and 19 place restrictions for freedom of peaceful assembly and association as well the right to enjoy and promote culture and use of language (Fox, 2008). The constitution also protects all religions of the island and guarantees freedom of religion. The Ministry of Religious Affairs is divided into Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, and Christian departments, each of which is responsible for the formulation and implementation of policies that nurture religious values in that particular religion. Religious classes are compulsory in the public school system (Fox, 2008). But despite such seemingly religious tolerance, Buddhism plays a huge role in the governing of the nation. The role of Buddhism in the governing of the state has become more marked by the fact that in Sri Lanka, although all Sinhalese are not Buddhists, all Buddhists are Sinhalese. This has lead to communalistic coloring to politics (Fernando, 2008).
Historically the concept of intertwining politics with religion began in Sri Lanka during the period of its first Buddhist King, Devanam Piya Tissa, who supported Buddhist institutions from the state funds and located temples close to the royal palace for greater control (Fernando, 2008). Currently, the type of secularism proposed by the Sri Lankan constitution is also based on the fact that religion and politics are intertwined. The government of Sri Lanka under the leadership of Chandrika Kumaratunga promised constitutional protection of a Supreme Advisory Council (Uttarithara Bauddha Upadeshaka Mandalaya) which comprises twenty Buddhist monks. These monks resigned in 1997 as they considered her efforts to patronize Buddhism very weak. The modern Sri Lankan State carries an inherent responsibility to foster religion and the at the same time empowers the order of Buddhist monks, the Sangha to legitimate political power by governing those who govern as well as their politics (Bartholomeusz, 2002). In 1970, a constitutional assembly voted to drop the section of the constitution that protected minorities and renamed Ceylon “Sri Lanka” – a designation that is both more Sinhalese and Buddhist.
The island of Sri Lanka is considered by its people to be thrice blessed by the Buddha and the Buddhist tradition in Sri Lanka treats the island as a “relic of use” of the Buddha. The political ideology of Sri Lanka has been based on the belief that it is a sacred duty to protect the Buddha’s relics. The Tooth Relic at Kandy is considered to be the legitimizer of political power from ancient times to modern times and is highly venerated. In the post-independence period, there has been a heightened awareness of the role of the Tooth Relic and over the past few decades, soon after they were elected, each of the heads of state of Sri Lanka, including J. R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa, D. B. Wijetunga, and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga have made a pilgrimage from Colombo, the seat of temporal power, to Kandy, where the Tooth Relic is housed in order to reinforce their political authority by seeking a blessing from the relic (Bartholomeusz, 2002). Sri Lankan Buddhist religio-nationalism is supported by the monks who are understood to have the task to safeguard the “Dharma-Island” from threat by “foreign influences” such as the Tamils. And hence the war thinking of the Sri Lankan government can be said to be based on religion. Bartholomeusz locates the seeds for violence in canonical Buddhist texts such as the Dhammapada that are “replete with military metaphors.” (p. 41) Furthermore, “the idea of war, endorsed by monks and legitimated by the vamsas, has become part of the fabric of contemporary Buddhism in Sri Lanka.” In testimony to this fact, Bartholomeusz describes a sangha of political monks that nowadays take their refuge vows in “rata, jatiya, agama or country, nation/race, religion,” instead of the traditional and more all-inclusive Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha. (p. 69).
Though the current law is tolerant towards various religious groups in Sri Lanka, recently proposed legislation bans conversion of people from religion to another. It also contains a number of restrictions on religious activity banning acts of conversion through physical coercion, deception, and “allurement” (IRPP, 2008). This has generated considerable debate within Sri Lanka. UN Rapporteur on Religious Freedom’s 2006 report on Sri Lanka commented on this proposed legislation as criminalization of certain acts aimed at converting anyone to another religion and also warned that this will ultimately lead to human rights violations. Moreover, if this legislation were to be passed there would be penalties that include collective punishment for all members of a religious organization that is found guilty of carrying out religious conversions. Recently there have also been many incidents of sectarian violence in the country directed against the Christian population. The National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka reported 39 attacks on Christian churches, organizations, religious leaders, or congregants during a period of eighteen months (IRPP, 2008). The government limits the number of Christian clergy allowed to enter and tends to grant visas only to those who are members of registered religious Christian clergy face opposition to proselytizing at the local level (Fox, 2008). In 2003, an order of nuns running a hospital was refused registration because its medical services to the poor were considered proselytism and an evangelical group was similarly refused registration because the group coupled religious education with charitable deeds (Fox, 2008).
Conclusion
Buddhism and Hinduism per se were not in conflict in Sri Lanka (Palmer-Fernandez, 2004). However, after the riots if 1983, the conflict between the Sinhalese and the Tamils became more of a conflict between Buddhists and Hindus. In 1959 a monk assassinated Prime Minister S.W. Bandaranaike amid public protests against a law that gave some protection to the Tamil language (Manila Bulletin, 2008). And, in late August 2007, a bomb was discovered hidden along the path of a Buddhist religious procession that was to take place in the city of Kandy. It is widely believed that the LTTE was behind the planting of the bomb (IRPP, 2008). Sri Lanka’s war clearly shows the role religions can play in the violent identity politics of interethnic civil war and also demonstrates that the relationship between religion, ethnicity and nationalism can be understood only against the complex backdrop of history (Palmer-Fernandez, 2004).
Bibliography
Bartholomeusz, J. Tessa (2002). In Defense of Dharma: Just-war Ideology in Buddhist Sri Lanka. Routledge Publishers, 2002.
Fernando, Mario (2008). Spiritual Leadership in the Entrepreneurial Business: A Multifaith Study. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008.
Fox, Jonathan (2008). World Survey of Religion and the State. Cambridge University Press, 2008.
Government of Sri Lanka (2009). Language and Religion. Web.
Jafari, Sheherazade (2007). Local Religious Peacemakers: An Untapped Resource in U.S. Foreign Policy. Journal of International Affairs, 61 (1), 2007.
Manila Bulletin (2008). Tibet’s Monk Protests Reflect Rising Activism of Asia’s Buddhists. Manila Bulletin, 2008.
Palmer-Fernandez, Gabriel (2004). Encyclopedia of Religion and War. Taylor & Francis Publishers, 2004.