Introduction
With the expansion of Europeans to the African continent in the 16th century, colonists began an active slave trade. According to Castellanos and Castellanos (1987), a minimum of 850,000 Africans, most of them Yoruba people, were forced to move to Cuba as a free labor source between the 16th and 19th centuries. They played a decisive role in the development of Cuban social life, religion, economy, and culture. Santeria religion was developed as one of the most characteristic features of Afro-Cubans. This paper aims to explore and synthesize the opinions of various authors to understand the formation and modern presentation of Santeria, including the slave trade in Yorubaland, the history of early colonial Cuba, and the intertwining of European and African cultures. The paper also scrutinizes the impact of Cuban independence and revolution in the 20th century, sexuality and gender in Regla de Ocha, modern popular culture, resistance to acculturation, and pan-Africanism. Although Yoruba people were enslaved, forced to live in Cuba, and obliged to adopt Catholicism, they managed to preserve the beauty of their unique religious beliefs by guiding the identities of their gods under the faces of Catholic saints.
Slave Trade in Yorubaland
In West Africa, Yorubaland was the most significant slave-exporting region. The Yoruba individuals made up most of all enslaved people loaded on ships in the ports of Benin to Latin America (Castellanos and Castellanos 1987). Most of the Yoruba slaves were sold to Cuba or Brazil, although some of them went to the shores of Haiti (Ojo 2008). Writing about the organization of the slave trade regarding Yoruba, Ojo (2008) clarifies that little information is known about it before 1777 since slave operations were not primarily and properly documented. Nevertheless, the mentioned author notes Robin Law, Anthony Hopkins, and Robert Smith as the researchers who were interested in the topic. Ojo (2008) clarifies that the Yoruba state of Oyo was the main slave trade center of West Africa. The outbreak of warfare with Central Sudan in the region led to fueling social, economic, and political tensions in Yorubaland. Furthermore, Ojo (2008) explores the slave trade movers, stating that not only Europeans but also prominent citizens regulated the official sale ports and trading zones. In many cases, Yoruba and Euro-American merchants collaborated and created familial links.
A more in-depth approach is adopted by Martínez-Fernández (2018), who presents an integral picture of early Cuban development. The author begins with the arrival of indigenous people to the island approximately seven thousand years ago. The establishment of colonial rule is discussed from a geographical perspective since the author emphasizes its unique location that was perfect for Spanish conquerors and the further slave trade. Likewise, Ojo (2008), and Martínez-Fernández (2018) focuses on people whose lives were influenced by the social and economic forces of the countries involved in the power struggles. In his book, Martínez-Fernández (2018) identifies the roots of the complex cultural interaction of Afro-Cubans, pointing to both the adaptation and resistance of slaves and their descendants. When the first West African slaves arrived there, the Catholic Church was already in its greatest power. The local population and newly reached slaves were turned to Catholicism. However, the descendants of the Yoruba have succeeded in maintaining their culture more than any other African group in Cuba.
Formation of Cuban Santeria: Lucumi
The syncretism of spirituality, Roman Catholic Christianity, and the Yoruba religion of West Africa led to the formation of Santeria. Since Catholicism was the only religion officially permitted to follow on the island, the enslaved people were forced to adopt it (Murrell 2010). At the same time, their unique religious beliefs were strong enough to preserve them in spite of the obligatory immigration from their continent. While the freedom of religion was declared after the Cuban revolution, the Euro-Cuban government remained regarding Santeria as witchcraft (Murrell 2010). It should be stressed, however, that Santeria is also called Regla de Ocha, but those practicing it prefer calling themselves Lukumi. It is remarkable that Santeria is polytheistic, which means that there is a range of gods named orishas. Moreover, no strict rules regulate this religion, which makes the religion quote eclectic and flexible.
In Cuba, likewise in Brazil, the circumstances were quite favorable for the Yoruba to be able to maintain their cultural identity. Bascom (1950) states that this task was made easier for the Yoruba by two types of Cuban institutions, such as the Spanish ethnic clubs and the Roman Catholic Church itself. On the one hand, the Spanish colonists in Cuba were heterogeneous in composition. They were immigrants from Galicia, Biscay, Andalusia, Asturias, and also the Canary Islands (Bascom 1950). In addition to the official Castilian Spanish, they also spoke dialects such as Gallego, Catalan, and Basque. On the basis of their ethnic, regional, and linguistic kinship, each of the national groups created their own social clubs and mutual aid societies (Bascom 1950). Unlike the Anglo-Saxons, the Spanish and Portuguese slave merchants also encouraged the division of slaves into ethnic groups, believing that the slaves could not unite for uprisings in this way.
On the other hand, with the intention to convert the enslaved population to Christianity, the Church patronized it by organizing its own social clubs and mutual aid societies. These institutions, the so-called cabildos, were mirror images of their Spanish counterparts and were also created on the basis of ethnic, regional, and linguistic kinship. There is documentary evidence that by 1568, African cabildo clubs already existed in Havana (Murrell 2010). Soon after the appearance of the first cabildos, they had an important purpose of preserving the old traditions of Africa. According to Yoruba historians, the cabildos were actually African churches (Murrell 2010). The combination of these factors allowed the enslaved population to integrate into groups and work together to endure the beauty of their religious views.
The only link between Lucumi with their homeland was their especially vibrant spiritual world, which was saturated with philosophical and theological values. Within its framework, the Yoruba transformed many of their political and social institutions, which lost their meaning in the conditions of a cruel slave system. Bascom (1950) states that severe pressure from the Catholic Church led to the syncretization of indigenous beliefs with the rites and views of Christianity, thus laying the foundations of African American religions. Therefore, in Cuba, Santeria ceased to be strictly African religion and became confessional, meaning it was no longer dependent on ethnicity.
Impact of Cuban Independence and Revolution in the 20th Century
The 20th century was not particularly advantageous for Afro-Cuban religious tendencies. After receiving independence from the Spanish crown, Cuba continued to be a Catholic country. Its ruling class preferred to live according to the Spanish style, so African traditions could only exist in the shadow of Catholicism and were often perceived as a legacy of savagery (Murrell 2010). However, such a racist view began to change in the 1920s and 1930s, when a part of Cuba’s intellectual elite identified African heritage as an element of the Cuban national identity.
It should be stressed that official rhetoric differentiated it from the so-called bourgeois religions like Catholicism, identifying it as the religion of the oppressed and illiterate popular masses. Furthermore, the 1959 revolution placed Santeria under pressure from an anti-religious socialist agenda (Murrell 2010). The Cuban revolution allowed Afro-Cubans to obtain economic and political rights equal to all citizens of the country, but their spiritual culture experienced significant pressure and was under strict supervision (Murrell 2010). Some masters of Santeria, for example, the famous musician Emilio O’Farrill, were able to realize themselves as connoisseurs and performers of folklore (Martínez-Fernández 2018). They stimulated people to unofficially continue leading religious communities.
Folklore was one of the most widespread ways to reveal Africans’ transformed religious beliefs in Latin America. New stories, themes, and characters appeared to reflect not only their status as the survivors of the Middle Passage but also their daily routines, homes, and relationships (Castellanos and Castellanos 1987). Namely, it is possible to note the rituals of death and birth, celebrations, clothing, cooking, and so on. The religious worldviews of enslaved Africans found their new presentation in combs, stools, canoes, ceramics, and trays. On the one hand, these artifacts were based on the experience of the people who arrived in Latin America. On the other hand, a complex interaction between the African past and the New World culture took place as a critical issue (Murrell 2010). The contact between these two cultures created a new way of expressing people’s stories through language. For example, book stories of Haiti and Anansi tales of Jamaica can be used as vivid instances of referring to the imagery world in their religion.
In terms of politics, Cuba remained true to socialism, but its government had to reform the monetary system, allow small private entrepreneurship, open up the country to tourism, and change some approaches to health and religious policy (Ocasio 1997). Due to the transformations of the so-called special period, herbalists (yerberos), priests, and mediums of various cults legalized their activities. The Cuban Yoruba Cultural Association (Asociación Cultural Yoruba de Cuba) appeared, which is now financed by the state budget.
European Impact on Afro-Latin Culture: Hagiography
Speaking about the interaction of enslaved Yoruba people and Cubans, it is critical to add that the former were forced to leave their societies having a range of cultures. Although Europeans and Americans called them Africans, the latter did not accept this term. Instead, they differentiated between lineage, ethnicity, kinship, and other groups who viewed each other as foreigners (Castellanos and Castellanos 1987). The so-called “pidgin” language appeared only in the 15th century since enslaved Africans were forced to understand the language of their invaders. West African traders and Portuguese sailors first used it, which was then adopted by children born to bi-racial parents (Castellanos and Castellanos 1987). Furthermore, pidgin languages blended with the languages of Latin America, leading to the creation of creole languages, each having a dominant feature of the initial African group. Accordingly, Africans settled in Brazil, Suriname, Cuba, or other country tended to speak with certain accents, intonations, and vocabularies.
Other scholarly sources consider Santeria from the point of the so-called theology of liberation. Ocasio (1997) refers to a range of literary works to show hagiography as a useful way that was applied by conquerors and the Church to overcome problems in communication. Ocasio (1997) defines hagiography as the narrations of saints’ idealized biographies that were used along the formal teaching from Catholics. Since critical linguistic barriers existed between the slaves, the local population, and Spaniards living in Cuba, religious narratives helped them to better understand each other. The plan of the total conversion of slaves into Catholicism backfired as Afro-Cubans adapted to new circumstances instead of being suppressed by them. In other words, it is possible to state that Afro-Cubans created a dual reality, integrating catholic images and magical rituals.
A prominent role in preserving Yoruba traditions in Cuba is also studied by Lefever (1996), who pays more attention to understanding the nature of Santeria through rewriting and rereading social contexts. Likewise Ocasio (1997), Lefever (1996) agrees that religion made a positive contribution to the cultural adaptation of Afro-Cubans. The mentioned author provides brief but valuable citations of other sources to support his arguments. For example, he calls Santeria a result of the counterhegemonic challenge against the order that controlled the lives of West Africans. Lefever (1996) follows an Africanist discourse, claiming that this challenge was critical to withstand both political and economic oppositional power. In general, all the sources addressing linguistic specifics of Santeria provide a similar view on its role for Afro-Cubans. Therefore, one may conclude that oral traditions allowed them to survive and successfully acclimate to a new reality.
Resistance to Acculturation and Pan-Africanism
The resistance to Western and European impact is considered to be the key reason for the development of Santeria. It is a thought-provoking standpoint since the majority of authors provide a range of factors. As stated by Gómes-Cásseres (2018), the very manifestation of resistance lies in the ground of creating a principally new culture and religion. The author’s argument is based on citing the words of Fernando Ortiz, a famous ethnographer: “Without the black, Cuba would not be Cuba” (Gómes-Cásseres 2018, p.117). On contrary to the key bulk of researchers, this author insists on viewing resistance as a synonym for rebellion, while others merely reflect on daily rituals and historical documentation. The survival of the ideology of Yoruba people signalizes their resistance to acculturation.
The resistance of Afro-Cubans to acculturation is also discussed as the main reason for practicing Regla de Ocha. Speaking about pan-Africanism, Njemanze and Njemanze (2011) seem to be close to Gómes-Cásseres (2018), who both believe that the secrecy of practicing Santeria traditions was the first strategy of opposition. The second strategy was associated with “masquerading traditional African rituals as Catholic celebrations” (Gómes-Cásseres 2018, p. 122). In addition, the gatherings allowed by the Cuban government and shared spiritual knowledge were two more decisive factors. Drums were one of the most widely used musical instruments, and the authors consider it the way to unite different linguistic entities living in Cuba. As a result, the modern Cuban musical repertoire also includes drums along with other rhythmic instruments.
Initiation as the Key Tradition of Santeria
The most important initiatory ceremony in Santeria is called kariocha, and it is understood as the placing of one or another god or goddess on the head of a person. Although a person may receive some sacred objects of Santeria even before this, it is during kariocha that he or she acquires a vessel, stones, and other artifacts of the orisha (Andrés 2018). In addition, a personal patron, orisha father or orisha’s mother, is assigned. During the initiation, one also receives a prediction that concerns his or her entire life. Many Afro-Cubans believe that carioca, which harmonizes the relationships between people and their parental saints, contributes to the improvement of life, healing from diseases, and providing social fulfillment. After carrying out the mentioned initiatory ceremony, a yearly period of ritual purity follows, when a person becomes a santero and acquires the right to “feed” sacred objects with sacrificial blood (Andrés 2018). Kariocha transforms an ordinary cult follower into a male priest or female priestess.
This initiation can be compared with juramento in Palo with some reservations when an ordinary palero receives a sacred object and then interacts with it through sacrifices. In most cases, people go through kariocha initiation not to create a community or to conduct public religious activities but to improve their lives (Andrés 2018). Some other significant ceremonies and rituals that Afro-Cubans often resort to are also used to enhance life and health. For example, rogacion (the ritual of cleansing-blessing of the head), despojo (cleansing with plants), or the so-called “replacement of life” can be noted. They can be called substitutionary sacrifices, such as taking baths with special compositions, as well as a considerable number of all kinds of offerings and services that are united under the general name of ebbo (Andrés 2018). It is carried out for spirits with a variety of goals, both creative and destructive.
Sexuality, Gender, and Sensitivity in Regla de Ocha
While the majority of the authors concentrate on the history of Afro-Cuban Santeria from geographic, cultural, and ritualistic points of view, little attention is paid to the issues of gender and sexuality. According to Andrés (2018), traditionally Regla de Ocha implied limitations for homosexual men and lesbian women. At the same time, the author assumes that it became for “out-of-the-closet” purposes only with time since women are currently introduced into some male roles (Andrés 2018). In addition, there are roles that are taken by lesbian females even though it is not permitted by the Santeria traditions. It is noteworthy that the mentioned author refers to the mythology of the Yoruba people. As an example related to gender issues, he notes a myth about a supermasculine royal hunter named Chango, who had to wear like a woman to avoid being captured by his enemies (Andrés 2018). This case became associated with Saint Barbara, and many gay people tend to turn out to act as devotees of this orisha.
The analysis of the scholarly literature on the topic of Afro-Cuban Santeria shows that some authors take a more sensitive and one-sided position while writing their articles and books. In his “Voice of the Leopard: African Secret Societies and Cuba”, Miller (2009) focus on a secret male initiatory society named Abakua. This society was born in West Africa and then reimagined in Cuba as the organization of mutual aid for the enslaved and then also for the white population of the island. In writing about this Caribbean tradition, the author uses the memories of Afro-Cubans, but it seems that they are poorly linked to scholarly information. It is possible to suggest that Miller (2009) aims to appeal to the readers’ emotions and feelings instead of presenting mere facts. One should agree that such an evocative approach is also important as persuasive power that attracts attention to Abakua.
A similar approach in which the voices of the authors and their interlocutors are blended can be traced in one more source. In their “Pan-Africanism: Africa in the Minds and Deeds of Her Children in the Caribbean”, Njemanze and Njemanze (2011) point to Afro-Cuban self-empowerment that was stimulated by Santeria. The authors call them the children of Mother Africa and state that they held “tender tie of nature – the tie of consanguinity” despite poverty, disillusionment, and globalization (Njemanze and Njemanze, 2011, p. 153). It is stated that Africans in the Caribbean land overcame not only actual but also mental slavery. More to the point, the authors actively support the Back-to-Africa movement, proposing the regeneration of African Development. Both Njemanze and Njemanze (2011) and Miller (2009) use expressive epithets and metaphors to provide their points. For instance, they call Africa a mother, while Africans are called its children sucking milk from their mother’s breast. This helps the readers to look at Lucumi and their religious beliefs as if from Afro-Cubans’ sight.
Santeria in Modern Age: Self-Identification and Popular Culture
Today, with the development of the tourism industry, the visual representation of Santeria has grown. Numerous guests of the island are attracted not only by beaches and dances but also by this exotic cult. Tourists have access to both theatrical rituals in the African spirit, and authentic initiations or consultations with priests, healers, and sorcerers. At present, the adherents of Afro-Cuban traditions in their ritual activities generally do not encounter obstacles from the authorities. The wearing of religious paraphernalia is not only not ostracized, as it was in the 1950s-1980s, but, on the contrary, it is considered prestigious.
This state of affairs testifies to the fact that modern Cuban society is thoroughly permeated by the culture of Regla de Ocha in the spiritual sense. Despite the possibility that the Ife cult could regain its original essence and be cleansed of its Catholic component, this does not happen (Gómes-Cásseres 2018). Moreover, in Santeria, some Catholic rituals are considered obligatory. Without passing them, a person cannot be considered a follower of Santeria. In other words, in order to become a santerist, one must go through the rite of baptism. After death, nine Catholic masses are served for the deceased, which are also obligatory. It is undeniable that these facts are a demonstration of the spiritual level of syncretism, and not a mere formality.
It should be noted that Gómes-Cásseres (2018) uses the word “identified”, meaning that the Yoruba did not just formally accept Catholic saints, but they transferred to them the essential understandings of their deities. One can agree with this statement, as the basis for this point of view is that the combination of the two pantheons was prolonged when it was no longer required. It made sense to hide and disguise one’s faith only in those conditions when its open confession could be followed by the death of a person (Gómes-Cásseres 2018). Another reason is a ban on the worship of the gods by the entire community.
However, since the 1880s, with the abolition of slavery, this need has disappeared, and in the 20th century, it was totally terminated. Nevertheless, despite the change in external conditions, the internal content of Santeria remained unchanged. The question is what prevented the followers of Regla de Ocha from taking off the mask and breaking with Catholicism. The historical facts from the literature show that it could have been done, but it was not done. Zeuske (2022) suggests that the reason for the non-rupture lies in the fact that lucumi had formed as an independent religious movement by this time, which could exist only in that syncretic structure that implied the coexistence of elements of the ancient Yoruba tradition and Catholicism.
In the 21st century, Cubans freely and openly turn to orishas and other spirits, building their lives and self-identification in a religious and magical context. It is worth noting that Santeria is popular not only in Cuba, but there are also societies in the United States, Venezuela, Panama and other Latin American countries, where a large Cuban diaspora lives (Zeuske, 2022). By the beginning of the 21st century, Santeria finally ceased to be an ethnic religion, having interested a significant number of Europeans (Selka 2016). It is important to stress that nowadays, together with Cubans, both migrants and expats, they tend to form religious communities.
The belief in orishas also has found a strong reflection in Afro-Cuban dance culture. The African cults of Ifa Orisha are reflected in ritual dances, being an important means of communication with the orishas in Santeria and its predecessors. Today, when Cuban music has become the national treasure trove of Cuba; their performance is possible not only at closed religious ceremonies but also as part of stage performances (Selka 2016). The various elements of ritual dances formed the basis of a special dance style of the Afro, which has received the greatest development in the culture of Brazil and other Latin American countries. Over time, slavery ended, and Afro-Cuban ethnic dances became a vibrant and significant part of not only the Afro-Cuban religion but also art.
Conclusion
To conclude, it is important to emphasize that Santeria was formed resulting from a mixture of African paganism, which appeared in Cuba along with African slaves during the period of colonial policy, and Catholicism that was brought to Cuba by the Spanish colonialist). In slavery, Yoruba people wanted to preserve their traditions, so they were forced to disguise their religion. They began to identify the gods of their faith with Catholic saints and combined daytime visits to the Catholic Church with night holidays, dances, and songs of the ancient African religion. As a result, Afro-Cubans developed a new religion that consisted of syncreticized African beliefs, Cuban spiritism, and Roman Catholicism. One should also conclude that the research focuses on the formation and modern state of Regla de Ocha, considering it from different points. While the majority of them scrutinize the history of Afro-Cuban religion, others present the exploration of gender and the mutual impact of Europeans, Cubans, and the descendants of Yorubaland.
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