Abortion Trends in the United States Research Paper

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The history of the legalization of abortion in the United States has a history of several decades and is still the problem of reproductive rights today is quite acute. Since the beginning of 2019, 12 US states have passed 27 laws restricting the possibility of abortions, and nine have been particularly severe (Nash & Dreweke, 2019). Somewhere the only exception is when a woman’s health is in danger. The discussion about abortion and the level of state intervention in the process of its regulation became especially aggravated during the presidency of D. Trump, who showed himself to be an active anti-abortionist. Considering the problem of abortion in the United States is essential because it allows to identify deep trends in modern American politics and economics.

Learning how abortion advocates have been successful in recent years in limiting access to abortion through legislation can help better protect and strengthen women’s rights. Addressing disparities in access to abortion can contribute to policy efforts to expand access to the most disadvantaged groups (Beckman, 2017). Amendments to the law at various times led to the exclusion of abortion from the public funding system, namely from Medicaid, a medical care program for those in need (Dickman et al., 2021). Therefore, this led to the fact that abortion ceased to be a woman’s fundamental right in many states but turned into a privilege available only to specific segments of the population.

As a result of the changing demographic situation, there is a lack of labor force, which leads to significant economic losses. The legalization of abortion results in an annual loss of between $70 billion and $135 billion in economic activity (valuable work) in the United States (Effects of abortion). It is due to declining birth rates, especially among teenagers, unmarried and non-white women, and women over 35 (Effects of abortion). Available evidence suggests that the decline in fertility caused by the legalization of abortion has been permanent, and women have had fewer children during their lifetimes.

Deciding whether and when to have a baby is critical to a woman’s economic well-being. It has implications for continuing education and employment, affecting other long-term financial outcomes. Research on the well-being of children and women shows that the availability of abortion has had a profound impact on women’s economic and social lives. It also influences the circumstances and environmental factors in which children are born. Using the Difference in Difference study design, it was found that the legalization of abortion (Boudreaux et al., 2017):

  • reduced the number of unwanted children,
  • reduced cases of neglect and child abuse,
  • reduced the number of children living in poverty, and
  • improved the long-term outcomes of an entire generation of children by increasing the likelihood of going to college, reducing living in poverty, and receiving public assistance.

Thus, according to numerous studies in the field of health, in particular abortion, it should be noted the versatility of opinions. When abortion is legalized, various factors affect the life of a certain woman and the whole society. One can note the country’s economic instability that allowed abortions, associated with the lack of sufficient labor forces or with the level of education of children from low-income families. On the other hand, the researchers emphasize that the legalization of abortion positively affects long-term economic outcomes. However, abortion is a woman’s private matter, in which the state has no right to interfere.

References

Beckman, L. J. (2017). . Feminism & Psychology, 27(1), 101–113.

Boudreaux, M. H., Golberstein, E., & McAlpine, D. D. (2017). . Journal of Health Economics, 45, 161–175.

Dickman, S. L., White, K., & Grossman, D. (2021). JAMA Internal Medicine, 181(9), 1157.

. [Marripedia]. (n.d.).

Nash, E., & Dreweke, J. (2019). The U.S. abortion rate continues to drop: Once again, state abortion restrictions are not the main driver. Guttmacher Policy Review, 22, 41–48. Web.

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