Introduction
After the Civil War, America experienced rapid economic development due to industrialization. The power shifted from the state to the economic elites and private corporations in the United States. It influenced not only the financial estimates of the state but also the lives of different classes. If some started to receive higher salaries and enjoy the benefits of technological and infrastructural progress, others faced ignorance of their rights, terrible working conditions, and work overload. The class division in late 19th century America had a great significance for the formation of the economic and political regime in the state and the labor rights of the working class.
Main body
The industrial revolution in America increased the gap between the economic elite and the working class, bringing hardship to the working-class people. The main national capital was concentrated in the hands of only a few corporations and financial firms (Braun, 2020). However, different sides had different perceptions of the situation. This could be seen by analyzing historical sources, including information about wageworkers and writings of political magazines. Flourishing capitalism made people who work in factories work for ten hours a day and did not consider basic safety rules. Among those who worked for a wage were those who understood that such an attitude towards their labor and rights was unacceptable. Those people created participated in the labor movement and organized trade unions.
Oscar Neebe was one of the workers who had been in the labor movement. He was accused of bombing Haymarket in 1886, even though there was no explicit evidence for this. In his speech addressing the court, he said, “We socialists hope such times may never come again.” Oscar Neebe aimed to reduce the working hours and increase the wage; however, he said that capitalists would not allow it to happen. According to his bias, capitalists were only pursuing their interests of growing wealth and keeping wage workers poor. By reading his statements, it could be clearly seen that he has a hostile attitude toward elites. He perceived the wage work as a slow murder, saying, “I think it is more honorable to die suddenly than to be killed by inches.” Analyzing Oscar Neebe’s words, it could be concluded that some workers had a very cruel approach to assessing the problem of labor and were ready to act desperately.
On the other hand, some local magazines had expressed their criticism of the movements organized by the strikers. Thus, Harper’s Weekly Criticized the 1877 Railroad Strike. They perceived such actions as unfair in relation to wage workers who did not want to participate in their movements. Harper’s Weekly wrote that strikers created despot and tyranny by forcing people. They stated that when strikers force other workmen to follow them, they are creating anarchy. At the same time, they criticized the anarchy in the question of settling the question of wages. When they said, “Whether the more intelligent men among them thought of it or not,” publishers demonstrated their judging attitude towards strikers. This particular magazine undermined the beliefs of the strikers, criticizing their actions.
However, the Populist Party Platform assessed the problem of class division differently. They instead were against the fact that the economic and political power was surrendered to corporate monopolies. They believed that the government should possess economic and political control. They represented the government intervention in the economy of the state as the key to solving financial instabilities and protecting the interests of the workers.
Conclusion
In conclusion, class division caused many problems in the late 19th American society. The enrichment of certain classes and the infringement of the rights of other classes led to a mass of public unrest and protests. The magazine publishers could criticize the strikers, the strikers themselves accused the capitalists of injustice, and the national parties advocated state intervention. Different political figures and members of society had different views and assessments of what was happening.
References
Braun, B. (2020). Asset Manager Capitalism as a Corporate Governance Regime.SocArxiv Papers, 2-35. Web.