Introduction
For many years, there has been constant discussion and debate about Canada’s electoral system. The electoral system used in Canada is a single-member constituency with plurality votes, sometimes known as “Single Member Plurality” or “First Past the Post.” As a result, there is a debate regarding some people wanting to keep this election system and others wanting to reform it in some way.
These discussions are over whether FPTP is “fair” or “representative.” This system can be described as one in which representatives of minorities and poor segments of society will have the possibility to vote. Every citizen’s vote would be counted, and the power distribution would be more in line with the nation’s diverse political landscape if a proportional representation system were implemented.
Under FPTP, some votes are not counted because many citizens want to express their opinions but have difficulty accessing the polling station. The main reason for opposition to maintaining FPTP is the lack of public accessibility. In contrast, e-voting will make the composition of citizens who voted in Canada more diverse.
Electoral reform is becoming increasingly necessary as calls for greater representation and fairness in the voting process grow. The current system, first-past-the-post (FPTP), has come under fire for its propensity to produce majority governments despite strong opposition and unequal power distribution among regions and parties. This essay contends that the best way to address these problems and strengthen Canadian democracy is to move toward a proportional representation system. Current issues of Canadian democracy include fierce resistance and an uneven allocation of power between regions and parties. Possible strengths of Canadian democracy include a voting system that can be characterized by proportional representation.
Concepts & Terms
The proposed reform of FPTP is aimed at making it “fairer” and “more representative.” This system ensures that individuals from minority groups and economically disadvantaged communities have the opportunity to vote, guaranteeing that each citizen’s voice is acknowledged in the electoral process (Jafar et al., 2021). The allocation of power in this type of voting system would better reflect the country’s political diversity if proportional representation were adopted.
At the same time, the term “power distribution” can be defined as the significance and percentage in the structure of the representatives of various social communities who voted (Couturier et al., 2020). The socio-class structure of society reflects a complex picture of inequality between the social strata of the population. This definition refers to a group of people who perform certain functions in society or play a specific role (Pellegrini et al., 2021). They have common defining characteristics, such as pensioners or students. At the moment, the power distribution between different social groups is not the same.
Compliance with power distribution is in line with national diversity in the FPTP system. According to the FPTP program, each of the representatives of the Canadian society has the right to express their opinion, and all votes have equal value. However, this rule, although fixed as one of the goals, is not always observed. According to statistics, the level of absenteeism is highest among national minorities (Pellegrini et al., 2021). For various physical reasons, which can be characterized as insufficient accessibility of polling stations, they cannot express their socio-political rights, although they would like to.
A PR system would result in this, as it would solve the lack of accessibility. Different citizens and different social groups have other opportunities to gain access to voting. When switching to e-voting, the accessibility problem will be solved by focusing attention on the so-called socially vulnerable groups of the population. Such vulnerable groups include the disabled, children left without parental care, low-income people, migrants, and small people (Stephenson & Harell, 2023). The PR system pays special attention to them because there are valuable ideas in society about the need to increase accessibility to voting for representatives of social groups that have obviously worse opportunities to participate in this type of activity than other groups of the population.
Another important concept for this essay is electoral integrity, which can be defined as the openness of vote counting in the presence of independent observers and observers from parties and candidates (Couturier et al., 2020). The concept of public perception refers to voters’ feeling that their right to vote is being respected (Jafar et al., 2021). Each citizen who has reached the appropriate age should feel that they have been granted active suffrage. A negative public perception is the presence of discrimination based on gender or nationality in the voting process.
Voting is sufficient for democratic participation since elections are an integral element of democracy, bear the imprint of its various forms, and play an unequal role in its various models. The importance of elections in political systems is based on forms of democracy and the direct participation of citizens in the preparation and adoption of the most crucial state decisions (Couturier et al., 2020). For many people, and in some countries for the majority of citizens, they are the only form of their real participation in the policies of the relevant organizations. That is why public perception is so important for citizens, as it serves as the most crucial channel for representing the interests of various public groups to the authorities.
Analysis
One of the potential reasons for electoral reform is election integrity (Essex & Goodman, 2020). E-voting plays a role in the preference for PR as it ensures better power distribution (Essex & Goodman, 2020). Essex & Goodman stress the significance of ongoing evaluation and monitoring of e-voting systems in order to maintain their integrity and guarantee public confidence in the electoral process (2020). They emphasize the necessity of strong laws to safeguard electoral integrity in the modern era (Essex & Goodman, 2020). Scholars support an argument for the significance of strict e-voting regulations in preserving the integrity of elections in the digital age (Essex & Goodman, 2020).
Heller states that the public supports moving to some manner of electoral reform and not maintaining FPTP (2021). People who have previously undergone electoral system changes are more likely to support reforms in the future (Heller, 2021). When considering electoral system changes, policymakers should take into account how different electoral systems have affected public perceptions of electoral reform (Heller, 2021). This has to be done because citizens’ experiences with various electoral systems during the reform process are a significant factor in making a final decision.
Public perception is an important factor to consider when choosing electoral systems, as the political regime in Canada is democratic. Accordingly, citizens have the right to choose how they will notify the authorities of their opinion. Online voting, particularly when a vote by mail is not yet available and registration is not required, can boost turnout (Goodman & Stokes, 2018). Voting is sufficient for democratic participation (Goodman & Stokes, 2018).
Dawood focuses on the difficulties of achieving reform. Therefore, the scholar assumes that some sort of reform is desirable, and he includes arguments for engaging in some electoral reform (2016). His argument for electoral reform is boosting voter turnout. It would work in e-voting because more people will be able to vote if they are experiencing difficulties with access to polling stations.
The most apparent advantage of the reforms is the increased incentive to vote. Simple in its form, online voting makes it easier for voters to participate in democratic processes. This encourages them to take part in the vote, which significantly increases voter turnout.
Moreover, the simplicity of the process is also an additional advantage for citizens with disabilities or for citizens who live far from polling stations. In addition, the reform’s advantage is the potential for changing voices. Unlike traditional elections, which are held within one day, lasting from 16 to 24 hours, electronic voting procedures usually provide voters with a broader time interval for voting, sometimes several days (Couturier et al., 2020).
In addition, citizens can change their vote during voting, which represents a real advantage for undecided voters. The transition from traditional voting to electronic voting means a completely different infrastructure. However, the costs for it will always be much lower than the costs of conventional manual voting since, at the same time, many fewer people will be involved in the election commissions.
Arguments Against Reform
One of the arguments against the reform is the deterioration of the current state, not even because of the development of a new bill but because of poor-quality implementation. The potential electoral reform promised by the Liberal Party was mismanaged (Small, 2020), which is one of the reasons why it is proposed to preserve the reform. This is because even when drawing up a promising plan, there are no guarantees that the reform will be carried out qualitatively and will improve the existing voting situation. Dawood concludes by saying that while electoral reform is essential, it must be approached cautiously and with knowledge of the intricate institutional and legal structures that have shaped the Canadian electoral system (Dawood, 2016).
In addition, the argument against the reform is the possible falsification as a result of the reform. This has happened repeatedly: if the electronic voting system does not provide a sufficient level of information security guarantees, someone can vote several times from the same IP address or even forge a new address to cast additional votes (Jafar et al., 2021). We can also consider the opposite case: if a family of three people lives in the same house/apartment with the same IP address, then one cannot be sure that this address is used by three different people and not by one person voting three times.
Skeptics of the reform claim that fraud can occur in a digital format (Pellegrini et al., 2021). When visiting a polling station, voters in most countries must provide a form of photo identification to verify that they are the registered voters they represent themselves to be. Although it is possible to falsify personal voting, it requires a fake photo ID, which is difficult to find.
In online voting, voters must be identified using different types of credentials. This may include social security numbers, dates of birth, driver’s license numbers, or some other unique identifier (Wilson & Mitra, 2020). The problem with using these verification methods is that anyone who receives this information can log in and vote for someone else. If someone gets a large number of these IDs as a result of a data leak, they will be able to cast thousands of fake votes.
In addition, the problem of reform may be confidentiality. In most electronic voting processes, user registration data is usually encrypted. However, there is no complete security because the servers of those who manage the voting can decrypt the original information. Consequently, in such cases, it is impossible to guarantee full confidentiality of voting (Couturier et al., 2020).
Another reason for rejecting the reform is the potential vulnerability to cyberattacks. When electronic voting systems are subject to external security audits, they may be vulnerable to interference in the voting and registration process. Just as no company can be completely protected from attacks, government agencies are attacked or face violations of their information security.
Whether electronic voting works better or worse, one thing is sure: electronic voting, in whatever form it is conducted, raises all sorts of suspicions about possible interference. Even if it becomes an absolutely safe method, citizens’ distrust will most likely prevent its implementation (Couturier et al., 2020). Compared to electronic vote counting, the traditional method of polling station staff, members of election commissions, and even representatives of political parties is still trusted by the majority of citizens when it comes to voting security.
Personal Position
The modern voting system in Canada has a number of shortcomings that should be addressed through reform. The self-government body formed on the basis of the majority system is characterized by an extreme variety of positions and opinions, which significantly complicates decision-making. The priority of each deputy is to solve the problems of their own district.
The personal ties of voters and deputies have been weakened, as well as the individual responsibility of deputies to voters. They require a developed political structure of society at the municipal level. In the absence of a clear party majority, it is difficult for the municipal parliament to make decisions.
At the current moment, the legislator has to solve the most difficult problems in relation to the elections of representative bodies at all levels. Society is heterogeneous in its structure: there are various social groups and strata in it, each of which has its own exceptional political views and interests and has its own vision of problems and ways to solve them throughout the country or a separate part of it. This palette of views and opinions is reflected in the differences in the programs of parties and candidates who run for elections under different, often mutually exclusive slogans. The same thing, albeit on a smaller scale, takes place in the elections of local councils and other representative bodies of cities and states.
When determining the order of formation of the people’s representation, it is necessary to strive to ensure that all the main political forces of society are represented in it. As on a map reflecting on a reduced scale, all the features of the relief of the country, as well as thedifferent views and interests of various segments of the population, should be represented in parliament in accordance with their dissemination and support among the people. However, the current electoral system does not fully take into account this point due to insufficient accessibility to electoral precincts, which is why there is a need for reforms.
The Canadian electoral system does not allow us to fully take into account the balance of forces in the country. It does not ensure the opinion of the minority. There is a restriction or deprivation of some citizens and even entire peoples of political and personal rights and freedoms on the basis of national ethnicity. Ethnic groups, national minorities, and immigrants are often the objects of national discrimination. The voting procedure for them is complicated by the fact that it is difficult for them to get to the polling station due to an inconvenient territorial location, a more rigid work schedule, and the inability to leave children for the time necessary for voting.
Thus, I believe that the implementation of voting reform will be able to solve this problem by making voting accessible to everyone. The disadvantages of e-voting, as listed by supporters of maintaining the current system, are solvable. The advantages far outweigh the disadvantages, so reform is necessary. The observance of democratic rights, which include access to the fulfillment of civic duty in the form of voting, should be a priority, and the reform will help to take a step in this direction.
Conclusion
The practical realization of a citizen’s right to vote largely depends on the type of voting in force in a particular country. However, there is no ideal voting model: each of them can have its own advantages and disadvantages. This largely explains the great variety of electoral systems used in the modern world. What is the best model for Canada is still a matter of debate. However, before deciding to try out one or another kind of electoral system on the scale of the whole country or part of it, it is necessary to carefully analyze the specifics of the modern realities of the political and economic life of the state, traditions, and culture of the people.
The order of organization and conduct of elections, enshrined in legal norms, methods of determining the results of voting, and the order of distribution of deputy mandates should take into account the opinion of all segments of society. The voting procedure should also not create any special accessibility-associated difficulties for citizens. However, the subsequent development of Canadian political life may lead to the use of new models of the electoral system. The choice of an electoral system is a constant search, and one of the conditions for its success is knowledge of world experience in this field. We should not stop there; by modeling the voting system and reforming it, the government makes it up to date with the changes that are taking place in the political life of modern and future Canada.
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