Feminism in China During the Late Twentieth Century Research Paper

Introduction

During the course of this research, I will be able to understand the factors that were responsible for the promotion of feminism in China and the various stages of feminism that were a result of the efforts made by the government, scholars, and various movements.

During the middle of the 19^th century, when feminist activities were at their peak, several scholars and psychologists were against the idea of giving women the same rights and privileges as men. They argued whether women were basically similar to men or different from them.

The main contention was on the biological differences that men and women had. The arguments heightened when several feminists favored the idea of giving women special rights such as right to take part in a ballot, purchase assets, address gatherings, and attain higher studies. The reasons given by the anti-feminists for opposing such a move were very absurd; since a woman’s brain was small, she could not attain higher studies.

In China, feminism had its roots implanted during the Qing period. The worst thing that Chinese women had to go through was that they were subjected to foot-binding. But their ordeals started to diminish after the end of the Qing dynasty and the subsequent advent of the concept of globalization.

The idea of feminism gathered momentum during the 20^th century when globalization and modernism were the need for achieving progress. During the ensuing years, there were several movements (such as New Culture Movement and Chinese Communist Revolution) wherein women’s liberalization was given importance.

Chinese feminism in the 1990s was involved seeking more positions in political parties and overall freedom for women. Feminists also sought equality in employment opportunities. The late twentieth century was a period in which feminists tried to develop a form of feminism that was not influenced by the Communist Party’s idea of feminism.

The Communist Party had supported the socio-economic feminism which started earlier in the twentieth century. The Chinese government repressed the form of feminism that had developed in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Globalization provided ideas that were useful in dealing with the repressive state.

As a result of globalization (in the 20^th century), China experienced several changes in its political and social standards. Globalization can be considered to be a global assimilation of knowledge, goods, thoughts, technologies, cultures, and manpower. During this time, the Western nations were already under the impact of feminism. When, due to globalization, organizations ventured into China, they brought with them the idea of feminism.

Though the idea of feminism was existent in China at that time but the advent of global companies expedited the process. Globalization brought ideas on the kind of feminism that was supposed to be developed in China. It brought great relief to Chinese women in terms of social life such as marriage, right to inheritance, and place of work. Obviously, such a move changed women’s eminence of life and created ample prospects of growth.

Globalization had an impact in the form of feminism that developed in the 1990s. The new form of feminism was adopting features found in feminism in Western countries. Body writing, beauty, and sexuality became the main themes in the late 1990s that were derived from modernity. Feminist scholars in China sought financial assistance from organizations in Western countries which supported their research.

In the late 20^th century, feminism in China was also marked with solicitation to identify the physiological and psychological differences between men and women. Feminists were advocating for special treatment to women during certain periods such as pregnancy and breastfeeding.

The 1990s were years of increased feminists’ activities. The announcement and hosting of the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in Beijing increased the rate of change in the political environment. Legislation that supported women’s rights was passed during this period. There was a formation of a large number of non-governmental women’s organizations in 1993. Researches on women matters were initially financed by external organizations from the West before gaining local support.

In the mid 1990s, feminists in China were concerned about the impact of economic reforms on women’s employment. Enterprises were transformed into capitalist businesses as globalization spread into China. Employers were favoring men when filling job positions. Women were laid off in larger numbers than men during times of economic contraction. Feminists were also concerned with the few positions occupied by women in political parties. Towards the end of the 1990s, feminism had transformed to emphasize female beauty.

Thesis statement: Globalization proved to be a catalyst for promoting feminist activities in China.

Feminism in the late 20^th Century

Chinese feminism in the late 20^th century was influenced by ideas from the West. Scholars in the West reviewed the form of feminism that existed in China and recommended a change towards feminism that would specifically address women’s issues. Chinese scholars started advocating for similar changes in Chinese feminism that was supported by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Chinese scholars published articles such as “Revolution postponed” (1985) and “The Unfinished Liberation of Chinese Women” (1983) as they advocated for change in the form of feminism in China.¹ Women’s issues, before this period, had always been presented using Marxist’s socio-economic freedom. Chinese women’s liberation literature started to question the significance of being modern. They also questioned moral codes that were required in the Confucian family setting.

The main concern of women during the 1980s was the exhaustion that women experienced as a result of playing double roles. The first one was that of a liberated woman working outside the home and the other one was the domestic role that awaited them when they got home from work.

Li Xiaojiang used her own experience to question the two roles played by women.² A magazine known as ‘Zhongguo Funu’ warned women against working hard as a way of competing with men. It was a period when feminists in China were identifying their physiological differences.³ The initial emphasis on making women masculine was criticized.

In the 1980s, feminists found it necessary to come to the defense of the strong women in the society. Strong women were ridiculed for lacking the qualities of a liberal politician and those of a sexually desirable woman.⁴ The “iron women” were considered to lack feminine features.⁵ The women’s literature in this period criticized men who were unable to deal with strong women in society.

In the mid 1980s, feminists advised women to empower themselves through education and to change their attitude. The Sixth National Women’s Congress of 1983 emphasized the “four selves”. These included “self-esteem, self-confidence, independence, and a self-loving spirit.”⁶ The main idea in the self development scheme was self-determination by accessing education and self-emancipation by seeking economic strength. It spread to China through globalization.

Feminist scholars lacked support of the learning institutions they served. Ya-Chen explains that gender and women’s studies were considered inferior by institutions and were denied funding.⁷

Feminists also faced a difficult time trying to become professors. The difficulty was as a result of male professors misunderstanding the meaning of feminism. The difficulty was also enhanced by the tradition that required women to get married and bear children at an early age. Globalization had an impact in the understanding and appreciation of feminism.

There were attempts by minority groups to break away from mainstream feminism influenced by the feminism in the West. Feminists from minority groups sought to have differences brought by race, ethnicity, and class included in the description of feminism.⁸ They wanted differences that were associated with these factors to be acknowledged by the mainstream feminism. Chinese feminists joined the black feminists and the “women of color” feminists in the U.S. by demanding a form of feminism that was suited for China’s socialist state.

The mid 1980s also marked the re-emergence of academic feminism. Hershatter explains that scholars affiliated to universities formed their own research organizations on women’s studies.⁹ The researchers and the publications were a major drive towards building feminism in China.

Wesocky claims that globalization created pressure from outside that influenced the political opportunity structure (POS) that favored feminism in China.¹⁰ Globalization emerged with ideas that were able to exploit the vulnerabilities of the repressive state. Globalization provided ideas on how to deal with a repressive government.

Globalization provided feminists with methods that had been applied elsewhere successfully. Government actions on the Tiananmen Square protests (1989) which were followed by a crackdown on students were considered repressive. The banning of the novel “Shanghai baby” was also considered repressive on feminists. The novel relied on the global market to gain popularity.

In the 1990s, body writing emerged as a common feature of feminine identity in China. It was supported by capitalist market that emerged in China during the 1990s. Body writing was transferred to China as a result of globalization. The idea of body writing to express female desires was taken from the works of Hélène Cixous, a French feminist.

Zhong explains that the idea of body writing was captured and marketed by mainstream media. It came to be “entangled and with essentials and stereotypical notions of feminists and female sexuality.”¹¹ Ya-Chen refers to the stage as one in which female writers turned inward to express their emotions.¹² It matched the form of feminism that was practiced globally.

The modern form of feminism continued to grow in China in the 1990s. The new form of feminism was different from the socioeconomic feminism supported by the Communist Party. Women were expressing their sexual differences. Leung explains that “communist women wore shapeless clothes and came to walk and behave exactly like men.”¹³

The strongest expression of identity has made the older generation of female writers to separate from the new form of feminism portrayed by young female writers. Zhong claims that the young women writers are creating a new form of feminism in China associated with expressing their sexiness.¹⁴ The older generation feminists are reluctant to be associated with the new form of feminism.

Wei Hui’s “Shanghai Baby” was not the only story that challenged Chinese masculinity. Hershatter indicates that anxieties about Chinese masculinity and ability to master “transnationality” were portrayed by the general media including the television.¹⁵

In the late twentieth century, ambivalence developed on describing the right kind of feminism that was to be supported. The state supported the form of feminism that was portrayed in the middle twentieth century which involved socioeconomic liberation. The Communist Party supported making women masculine.

Li Xiaojiang, a post-socialist feminist, criticized the making of women to be masculine. She came up with calls for “recovering women’s nature and sexual differences.”¹⁶ Her argument was that there were certain natural and sexual differences between men and women. The government, through its policy, appeared to have followed Li Xiaojiang’s feminism of identifying natural differences between a man and a woman.

The physiological differences had been identified by the Women’s Federation as essential to protect women in the workplace in the 1970s. The Women’s Federation asked for “special arrangements to be made in the allocation of work during menstruation, pregnancy, birth, and breastfeeding.”¹⁷ Feminists were advocating for recognition of these differences which were later drafted into law.

The government’s position on feminism can be identified in the policy reforms that were implemented in the late twentieth century. It can be seen in the 1984 Labor Insurance Regulations which entitled women to a five-year early retirement plan. It was five years earlier than the age men would retire.

It can also be seen in the 1990 Labor Prohibition Regulations that outlined some of the jobs that were unfit for women.¹⁸ It was in line with the feminism in the period that sought to clarify the natural and sexual differences between men and women as expressed by Li Xiaojiang.¹⁹ Recognizing the differences and protecting women from their identified weakness became the state’s recognition of feminism.

The reforms carried out during the late 20^th century allowed discrimination against women in the workplace. In areas that it laid equality, employers would still have a preference for men. Leung explains that the state responded in 1993 by implementing anti-discrimination laws that would affect employment practices.²⁰

The feminism in China in the late 20^th century is marked by women who identified the paradox of equality and difference such as Lin Chun. Dai Jinghua and Meng Yue in their 1989 book advocate for feminine women rather than the traditional support for masculine women.²¹ According to Croll, socioeconomic feminism had to be chosen when a choice has to be made in China.²²

The reforms that had taken place to capture part of capitalism into the socialist state made women to lose jobs. Hershatter explains that women were laid off in large numbers and were also required to retire earlier than men.²³ Feminism in the 1990s was marked by widespread calls to stop discrimination against women in employment opportunities.²⁴ The reforms that were considered to be carried out at the expense of women made feminists to review Marxist theory on women liberation and advocate for its implementation.

The feminism in the 1990s advocated for women to take high positions in political parties. Hershatter claims that “women comprised 21% of National People’s Congress deputies and 13% of all the party members in 1992.”²⁵ The large gap between men and women in the early 1990s made feminists to advocate for more political positions to be occupied by women.

Feminism in China was boosted by the political climate that had become favorable as China prepared to host the Fourth World Conference on Women.²⁶ China passed legislation on the liberation of women’s rights in April 1992. In 1993, several feminists’ non-governmental organizations (NGOs such as “East Meets West Translation Group”) were formed in response to the favorable political climate.²⁷

The feminists NGOs formed in the 1990s made an achievement by deviating from political activism to social matters. The state did not feel threatened by the new feminist organizations. They were granted autonomy from the state and party influence. Wesocky describes the movements as symbiotic to the state’s tolerance of their existence so long as they did not threaten the government.²⁸

Criticism of feminism in the late 20^th century

Leung explains that feminism in China in the late 20^th century was still affected by portrayals in the media that showed women as housewives and association with a new image of fashion and beauty.²⁹ In the early 20^th century, this image was criticized by He Zhen.³⁰ He Zhen advocated for women to live simple lives and avoid time consuming clothing.

It was appropriate according to the feminism back then that sought to liberate women by shifting from domestic activities to economic activities. The feminism in the late 20^th century seems to identify the feminine image of a woman.

The feminism in the late 20^th century was criticized for narrowing feminism into only a sexuality issue.³¹ The new form of sexuality resulted in the increase of extramarital affairs. Hershatter explains that “extramarital affairs became common stories in news stories and television dramas.”³²

There were differences among Chinese feminists as to what constituted feminism. The older generation had stuck to socioeconomic feminism that was expressed by anarcho-feminists. The new generation has taken feminism as identifying a woman’s desire. Zhong and Ya-Chen indicate that feminists do not have to advocate for similar issues.

What is important is seeking space for “one’s own and the financial security to allow independent thinking and writing.”³³ It can be summarized that feminism is about seeking space for women benefit from development.

X.L. Ding’s approach of measuring the progress of women’s liberation called for a “vertical approach” instead of comparing women directly to men.³⁴ In the vertical approach, women were supposed to look at the changes that had taken place like improvement in socioeconomic matters.

The state oppressed the development of feminine ideals through sanctions. The banning of the “Shanghai Baby” in China is an indication of the type of feminism that the state allowed to be expressed. Zhong explains that it indicated the existence of gender bias.³⁵ Male writers could express women’s sexuality in writing more freely than women writers. Leung discusses that “women were only allowed to be presented as a mass organization for women organized by the Communist Party but disallowed from producing feminism.”³⁶

Feminism in the late 20^th century and feminism in general that has ever existed in China has been affected by a male-centered world. The new form of feminism of expressing sexuality or beauty is influenced by the male gaze.³⁷ The old form of feminism of making women to be like men has been criticized by Li Xiaojiang for using men as a standard to measure “real women.”³⁸

The liberation of women in China has been considered to have been granted not by active feminism but by a state willing to empower its women economically for the benefit of the state.³⁹

Conclusion

Globalization played a crucial role in promoting feminist activities in China. Various opportunities (in the past and present), clubbed with several rights and freedom, have been created for Chinese women. Globalization also played a vital role in breaking the cultural barriers that had been paralyzing the Chinese society.

It is understood that the social system of any country is responsible (to a great extent) for its economic development. The economic performance of nations depends on the quantum of social inequalities prevailing among their societies. Since China practiced a lot of disparities between men and women, its economic progress was not significant.

Western feminists’ discourses made Chinese feminists to reconsider a new form of feminism that suited global and local contexts. Chinese feminists in the 1980s had stuck to the feminism supported by the Communist Party. Globalization recovered a form of feminism that was based on sexual differences. The need to look beautiful emerged as a popular drive. It appears ironic because female beauty was the first item to be disapproved by feminists in the early 20^th century as they called for masculinity.

During the time when feminist activities were progressing fast, the government and several institutions came forward to contribute towards this movement. Several attempts were made (and legalized as well) to uplift the status of Chinese women. Several movements were also initiated that advocated and fought for the rights of Chinese women.

Globalization was instrumental in making the political environment favorable to feminism. New legislation was passed to match political environments in advanced economies. External pressure was also influential in increasing the rate of change in China to favor the Western kind of feminism. The Western kind of feminism was concerned about equality, beauty, and freedom for women to express themselves.

Bibliography

Chen, Ya-Chen. The many dimensions of Chinese feminism: Breaking Feminist Waves. New York, NY: Pallgrave Macmillan, 2011.

Croll, Elisabeth. Feminism and Socialism in China: Routledge Revival. Boston, MA: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 2013.

Hershatter, Gail. Women in China’s long twentieth century: Global, area, and international archive. Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2007.

Leung, Alicia. “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China.” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 359-374.

Wang, Lingzhen. “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang.” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 8-22.

Wesocky, Sharon. Chinese feminism faces globalization. New York, NY: Routledge, 2002.

Zarrow, Peter. “He Zhen and Anarcho-feminism in China.” The Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (1988): 796-813.

Zheng, Wang. Women in the Chinese enlightenment: oral and textual histories. Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2013.

Zhong, Xueping. “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China.” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 635–660.

Footnotes

¹ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 637.

² Lingzhen Wang, “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang,” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 14.

³ Elisabeth Croll, Feminism and Socialism in China: Routledge Revival (Boston: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 2013), 263.

⁴ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 252.

⁵ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 650.

⁶ Alicia Leung, “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China,” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 371.

⁷ Ya-chen Chen, The many dimensions of Chinese feminism: Breaking Feminist Waves (New York, NY: Pallgrave Macmillan, 2011), 118.

⁸ Lingzhen Wang, “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang,” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 8.

⁹ Gail Hershatter, Women in China’s long twentieth century (Global, area, and international archive (Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2007), 1371.

¹⁰ Sharon Wesocky, Chinese feminism faces globalization (New York, NY: Routledge, 2002), 958.

¹¹ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 644.

¹² Ya-chen Chen, The many dimensions of Chinese feminism: Breaking Feminist Waves (New York, NY: Pallgrave Macmillan, 2011), 115.

¹³ Alicia Leung, “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China,” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 366.

¹⁴ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 653.

¹⁵ Gail Hershatter, Women in China’s long twentieth century (Global, area, and international archive (Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2007), 141.

¹⁶ Lingzhen Wang, “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang,” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 15.

¹⁷ Elisabeth Croll, Feminism and Socialism in China: Routledge Revival (Boston: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 2013), 263.

¹⁸ Alicia Leung, “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China,” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 367.

¹⁹ Lingzhen Wang, “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang,” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 17.

²⁰ Alicia Leung, “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China,” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 367.

²¹ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 649.

²² Elisabeth Croll, Feminism and Socialism in China: Routledge Revival (Boston: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 2013), 330.

²³ Gail Hershatter, Women in China’s long twentieth century (Global, area, and international archive (Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2007), 942.

²⁴ Lingzhen Wang, “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang,” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 132.

²⁵ Gail Hershatter, Women in China’s long twentieth century (Global, area, and international archive (Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2007), 1329.

²⁶ Sharon Wesocky, Chinese feminism faces globalization (New York, NY: Routledge, 2002), 2587.

²⁷ Sharon Wesocky, Chinese feminism faces globalization (New York, NY: Routledge, 2002), 2636.

²⁸ Sharon Wesocky, Chinese feminism faces globalization (New York, NY: Routledge, 2002), 2729.

²⁹ Alicia Leung, “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China,” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 370.

³⁰ Peter Zarrow, “He Zhen and Anarcho-feminism in China,” The Journal of Asian Studies

47, no. 4 (1988): 804.

³¹ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 651.

³² Gail Hershatter, Women in China’s long twentieth century (Global, area, and international archive (Berkeley, LA: University of California Press, 2007), 275.

³³ Ya-chen Chen, The many dimensions of Chinese feminism: Breaking Feminist Waves (New York, NY: Pallgrave Macmillan, 2011), 2.

³⁴ Sharon Wesocky, Chinese feminism faces globalization (New York, NY: Routledge, 2002), 2827.

³⁵ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 646.

³⁶ Alicia Leung, “Feminism in transition: Chinese culture, ideology and the development of the women’s movement in China,” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 20, no. 3 (2003): 370.

³⁷ Xueping Zhong, “Who is a feminist? Understanding the ambivalence towards Shanghai baby, ‘body writing’ and feminism in post-women’s liberation China,” Gender & History 18, no. 3 (2006): 648.

³⁸ Lingzhen Wang, “Gender and sexual differences in 1980s China: Introducing Li Xiaojiang,” A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 17.

³⁹ Peter Zarrow, “He Zhen and Anarcho-feminism in China,” The Journal of Asian Studies

47, no. 4 (1988): 809.