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Hybrid Regime Stability and Natural Resources Essay

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Updated: Aug 31st, 2022

Within the framework of the current paper, the author intends to review the concept of hybrid regime stability on an international scale and link it to the utilization and allocation of natural resources. It should be noted that not all countries across the globe are eligible for becoming a hybrid regime. According to Bozóki and Hegedűs (2018), Hungary became the first completely hybrid regime within the European Union. This is an important finding because the majority of EU countries serve as liberal democracies and pursue a custom value system that cannot be employed by any given country. Despite the differences that Hungary displays when it comes to its political regime, the EU seems to remain lenient because political conditionality is one of the vital values promoted across all of its members (Bogaards, 2018). Accordingly, the notion of liberal democracy is recurrently changing due to the presence of such countries as Hungary, where a hybrid political regime is at the forefront of all governmental activities.

Speaking of resource management, the EU represents a systemic mediator that regulates the functioning of the hybrid regime employed in Hungary. The presence of a certain level of illiberal populism within the EU creates premises for the hypothesis that Hungary actually benefits from its hybrid regime and a different approach to allocating and utilizing human and natural resources (Győry & Weinberg, 2020). The democratic majority remains an essential player in the area, but most of the issues linked to constitutionalism are not associated with the consensus that the majority and the government tend to achieve with the help of joint attempts. Any instance of regime change would be a devastating experience for Hungary because it would have to deal with less external support and the need to eliminate all extents of republican and liberal democracy (Bogaards, 2018). While Greece bears certain similarities to the Hungarian political system, the latter is still much more populist.

Győry and Weinberg (2020) claim that Hungary does not display any trace of ethnic or racist elitism, which makes the regime an exceptionally appropriate political instrument for the country. It fundamentally means that at some point, Hungary could be exposed to democratic derailment caused by the lack of sufficient conditions for maintaining the hybrid regime. The current political power possessed by Hungary does not revolve around natural resources, but the country recurrently intends to instill institutional guarantees to improve its constitutional engineering measures and overcome the limitations of conventional democratic regimes (Wintrobe, 2018). The level of materialization of a hybrid regime achieved by Hungary is unique for the EU because it managed to affect a number of other countries across Europe in political terms. Poland is one of the European countries affected by a prototype of a hybrid regime established in Hungary. Its dimension of a hybrid regime includes a different approach to human resources and stronger control over checks and balances.

If one compares Poland to Hungary, it will become evident that the key challenge that both countries are most likely to meet in the future is the growing number of allegedly unconstitutional institutions. Wintrobe (2018) validates this hypothesis by stating that the notion of the constitutional majority cannot and should not be overturned, as it would refocus the existing legal norms. In a sense, Poland is much weaker than Hungary when it comes to the legislative dimension and the decisions revolving around the constitution. The existing democratic standards in both countries support dynamic readjustment and respect the need for natural and human resources (Bozóki & Hegedűs, 2018). Yet, Hungary is on a different level because it requires a supermajority to get involved in making political decisions, which may be perceived as a disadvantage by other EU countries. There may be a need for a self-adjustment mechanism that would regulate the regime in both Hungary and Poland. The rationale for it is a serrated political field that damages democracy and reduces the chances of adjusting where necessary.

To conclude, the existing Hungarian hybrid regime is a definite challenge for the EU because of its visible non-dependency on external resources. The majority of characteristics that can be used to describe the hybrid regime in Hungary contribute to the growing body of evidence regarding comparisons between conventional and novel political regimes employed within the EU. Either way, a hybrid regime is a multifaceted political instrument that can be applied only when the administration in charge proceeds with caution and possesses enough insider knowledge. While natural and human resources are not significantly involved in this discussion, they represent a potentially dangerous variable that could lead to democratic backsliding. The comparison to Poland shows that more EU-based countries are currently switching to illiberal systems where the conventional concept of a democratic majority does not accomplish its inherent mission. It may be argued that the Hungarian hybrid regime is a distinct category of political instruments that do not fall under the notions of either dictatorship or democracy. Eventually, it may be expected to transform into systemically unfair competition in the field of politics and resource allocation.


Bogaards, M. (2018). De-democratization in Hungary: Diffusely defective democracy. Democratization, 25(8), 1481-1499.

Bozóki, A., & Hegedűs, D. (2018). An externally constrained hybrid regime: Hungary in the European Union. Democratization, 25(7), 1173-1189.

Győry, C., & Weinberg, N. (2020). Emergency powers in a hybrid regime: The case of Hungary. The Theory and Practice of Legislation, 8(3), 329-353.

Wintrobe, R. (2018). An economic theory of a hybrid (competitive authoritarian or illiberal) regime. Public Choice, 177(3), 217-233.

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