Liberal International Order’s Existence and Future Essay

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Introduction

The principles of individual rights, freedom, consent of the people, political equality, and justice before the law form the foundation of liberalism, a political and ethical philosophy. Depending on how they interpret these guiding ideas, liberals hold a variety of positions. However, the primary assumption of these ideas is the existence of a liberal international order, which refers to a system of interconnected, regulated connections founded on political, economic, and international liberalism.

Discussion

The advancement of liberal democracy, free markets, security cooperation, and monetary cooperation are its key components. More precisely, it involves international collaboration through multilateral organizations. Liberal international order’s presence and future are debated topics among scholars of international relations and contemporary global politics. The present paper argues that the liberal international order exists and has a future guaranteed by the global power transition, which undermines the argument that such an order is impossible due to nationalism and polarized global politics.

The existence of a liberal international order is argued by John Ikenberry. Namely, the author proposes that liberal internationalism is still the most practical endeavor to safeguard liberal democracy in the twenty-first century, which is characterized by growing economic and security interdependence (Ikenberry, 2020). Moreover, the thinker contends that the complex, all-encompassing, and widely accepted system of laws and institutions, is grounded in democracy and capitalism and is likewise strengthened by it. A foundation for collaboration and shared authority is provided over the present U.S.-led international order. Finally, the author believes liberal international order has a future due to the co-binding of security in which big powers exercise restraint and the predominance of reciprocal transnational links. However, the main guarantee of the continuation of such a world order is the open hegemony of the US (Ikenberry, 2020). If the country fails to remain liberal and democratic, it might destroy the existing possibility of the world being a better place.

The argument of the author has sense in several aspects and might be supported by evidence, although Ikenberry does not imply such conclusions himself. Specifically, Ikenberry places excessive expectations on the power of the organization but misses the point regarding the influence of the crucial resources of trade on geopolitics. In fact, the energy transition might play a more significant role in the new politics. The energy transition is the change in the global energy industry away from fossil-based energy production and consumption methods, such as oil, natural gas, and coal, and toward renewable energy sources, like wind and solar (Aklin & Urpelainen, 2018). Contrary to fossil fuels, concentrated in particular areas of the world, renewable energy supplies are accessible in some form in most nations (Aklin & Urpelainen, 2018). Exploiting their renewable energy resources will be most advantageous for developing nations without indigenous fuel reserves. Countries’ trade balances will dramatically improve if they switch from importing fossil fuels to domestically produced renewable energy. Smaller energy-importing nations may also be exposed to coercion or pressure over their energy supply, which limits their ability to set their strategic priorities and objectives.

However, there is an opposing view that the liberal order of the world is in serious trouble. Namely, Mearsheimer (2019) contends that it was doomed to failure since it was defective at the outset. He believes that due to nationalism’s emphasis on self-determination, which is necessary for establishing order, liberal democracy met significant opposition as it tried to extend worldwide. Furthermore, for security-related reasons, several of the targeted regimes rejected American efforts to advance liberal democracy (Mearsheimer, 2019). However, because modern nation-states place a premium on sovereignty and national identity, problems will inevitably arise when institutions become strong, and boundaries become permeable. Additionally, the poor and middle classes in liberal democracies experience economic difficulties due to hyper-globalization, which is a fundamental component of the liberal system.

Mearsheimer’s critique’s existence of the liberal order is justified in view of the recent changes in the geopolitical situation. However, it does not undermine the idea and evidence of the future of liberal international order. As was described earlier, the current struggle and competition for international trade and the issues that arise with it are caused mainly by the nature of the primary trade goods, namely, fossil fuels. However, the rise of renewables will guarantee a power transition in the near future since it provides developing countries with a way to safeguard their borders and reduce dependence on world hegemons (Aklin & Urpelainen, 2018). As a result, with a less polarized political scene, there is a greater possibility of international cooperation and security, which is implied by the liberal international order.

Conclusion

To conclude, the idea of the liberal international order has its foundations and representations in reality. Moreover, it has a future in accordance with the argument that it is supported by global trade, international organizations, the advancement of democracy, and the non-imperialistic nature of the world’s great power, the US. The authority and effectiveness of these institutions are claimed to be failing due to global disturbances, armed conflicts, nationalism, and the inability of trade to bring social welfare. However, it is argued in the paper that the power transition to renewables will change the current geopolitical situation and enable the liberal international order.

References

Aklin, M., & Urpelainen, J. (2018). Renewables: The politics of a global energy transition. MIT Press.

Ikenberry, G. (2020). The next liberal order. Foreign Affairs, 99(4), 133-142.

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2019). . International Security, 43(4), 7–50. Web.

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