Introduction
Oman has seen a considerable extent of change and transformation since 1970, when Sultan Qaboos assumed the office, overthrowing his own father. In past years Oman was in a sorry state, with no elements of development. There was no established foreign policy, the economic sector was in a pitiful condition, while the education sector was also greatly neglected.
As Sultan Qaboos appeared, he initiated strategies and policies with the aim of picking up the nation and its public and instigate a structure for progress. Along with Qaboos’ striving efforts, a number of factors assisted him in achieving his goal. The paper will discuss the factors, some individually and others in between, the most considerable one being the sultanate of Qaboos himself.
Sultan Qaboos
Sultan Qaboos Bin Said, the Head of the State of Oman, who succeeded his father Said Bin Taimur in 1970, has been regarded as the most prominent figure in bringing about the development in Oman. Through his remarkable caliber and outstanding strategies, he paved the path for Oman’s development.
This could be seen from when he commenced his rule in 19970 that he immediately started formulating strategies regarding the political and economic arena of the country. He formed a number of Councils of Ministers, outlining the fact that for Oman, a new era had indeed begun. In his speech when he had assumed the office, he stated that the development of an independent foreign policy and the establishment of close ties with other Arab countries are essential for Oman’s development. Furthermore, Qaboos also recognized a number of basic areas for infrastructure, telecommunications and economic development, focusing on the expansion of health and education facilities for all the citizens of Oman.
Right in the early 1970s, a formal governance framework was established, a protocol office, known as Diwan. It was formulated to assist coordinate the Sultan Qaboos’ schedule as his role and responsibilities swelled, as well as serve as a link between the Sultan and public of Oman.
Education plays a vital role in the development and prosperity of a nation. Qaboos emphasized a lot on this sector, by initiating the National Local Community Development Program (NLCDP), whose main objective was to address to the educational field and enhance it. The Sultan Qaboos University was instituted in 1986. Another significant educational initiative taken by Qaboos was the creation of the Ministry of higher education in 1994.
Throughout his reign, Sultan Qaboos has worked diligently to transform Oman from a dull nation into a blooming, sophisticated regional center of banking, commerce and industry as Oman is known at present. (Lancaster & Siddiqi, pp. 23, 2001) During his regime, Sultan Qaboos and the people of Oman felt the need for the development of a distinct Omani national identity to let the process of structural state-building in progress. Qaboos had extraordinarily been able to accomplish the very goal by sharing the country’s capital, formulating the infrastructure, and providing education to the public.
Foreign Policy
In order to understand the current foreign policy of Oman, one is to understand how proficient diplomacy works, i.e. how balancing interests, acceptance of differences, and an unwavering pursuit of conjoint benefits can unfasten a lot of international doors and keep them open, even in the course of conflict. In contrast to other nations of the Middle East, which have been propelled by their own system of beliefs and short-term gains, the Sultanate of Oman, on the other hand, has gone in for its own course, holding to the belief that diplomatic negotiation is necessary to the long-term goals of Omani security and prosperity on the whole. (Kechichian, pp. 440, 1995)
Oman has made grand advancements in foreign policy relations since 1970. This is when Qaboos unseated his father to lead a nation, which was not only overshadowed by hostility and warfare, but cut off from the world as it confronted extremely unpleasant internal scenarios of political unrest, civil war, and an acute extent of underdevelopment. In almost 40 years, with all the efforts of Qaboos, the nation has been changed from an isolated and unstable one into a frontrunner in Middle Eastern and global diplomacy.
In order to examine the unique and successful foreign policy approach of Qaboos, it is necessary to identify the trends in Omani diplomacy, analyzing the origins of Omani nation-state, while tracing the historical path that steered to the Oman of 1970. After an understanding of the development of Oman’s modern-period relationships with the other Arabian Peninsula states, states in the Persian Gulf region, the United Kingdom, France, the United States, the Soviet Union and its successor states, and several countries in the Far East, South Asia, and Africa, what seems consistently evident in Oman’s foreign policy set-up by Qaboos, is pragmatism. (Kechichian, n.p.1995)
Qaboos’s foreign policy strategy starts from the principles regarding non-intervening in other countries’ affairs, having a high regard for international law, and adhering to a non-aligned policy. Following this, Qaboos has advanced compromise and peaceful resolution, supporting even those countries under conflict to find common attributes and acceptable trade-offs. He has done this along with staying on the best possible terms, and keeping up well with the diplomatic relations, avoiding their breakage to the maximum. Considering Oman’s standing position in relation to its history, geography, diverse population, economy, and its political position regarding its strategic Middle East location, he pursues solutions to his country’s needs in the larger arena by persistently and meticulously seeking international relations valuable in the long run.
Qaboos’s father, until the time Qaboos took over, had looked to England and India for Oman’s world relations, balking at any associations with the Arab neighbors. But Qaboos, on the other hand, thought of Oman as a regional power. This belief led him to overturn this state of affair by setting up direct diplomatic relations with Arab and other states and by securing entrance into the League of Arab States (LAS). He also gained admittance in the United Nations in 1971. Hence, this way, the Sultanate’s long isolation was put to an end. (Geyer & members, pp. 1, 1996) Oman was placed within the Arab and larger world.
Through the time period 1970-1975, relations were built with the Arab and larger world with the intention and attempt to tone down Oman’s dependence on Britain, making Oman’s independence as legitimate, attaining internal unity by handling the political unrest in the north, while in the south, bringing an end to the Communist-backed Dhufar War that had been intimidating the Sultanate since 1965. (Lalji, pp. 12, 2006)
During this period, the most prominent foreign policy consisted of its foreign relations accomplishment concerning Iran. During that time, Oman had few resources for unraveling its internal problems, leave be the regional ones. With this outstanding connection, Qaboos sought and acquired Iranian military aid in fighting the Dhufar revolt, in addition to the Omani-Iranian border agreement in the Straits of Hormuz, and also the status in regards to being treated as an equal by Iran, the region’s then most powerful country. (Lalji, pp. 12, 2006)
Through the years 1976-1980, more financial attention was brought to domestic needs. This was in result to the Dhufar War and civil unrest being over. For handling with the internal issues, Oman sought and obtained remarkable financial aid from a number of Gulf States. It did not break diplomatic ties with Cairo when it recognized Israel. Also it did not appear at the 1978 Baghdad Rejectionist summit reprimanding Egypt, an action for which the other Gulf States shunned it. In 1979, even when the Iran’s Shah was overthrown by the Ayatollah Khumayni, Qaboos retained the well recognized and successfully growing Omani-Iranian relation in place. He also proposed, at the same time, a $100 million protection plan to the Straits of Hormuz, for the purpose of preventing any potential aggression. In 1980, he signed an agreement with the United States known as Facilities Access Agreement, a type of agreement which had never been made before by any other Arab State with the United States. (Lalji, pp. 12, 2006)
Moving on, during the years 1981-1985, a state of was existed between the two largest regional states, Iran and Iraq. This war conflict along with tensions with other areas finally resulted in the culmination of Qaboos’s long-time efforts. It supported the formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), gathering six conservative Gulf countries. It was the Arabian Peninsula’s first security effort provided mutually. Although Oman, as a part of the GCC, was active in participating in all regional security activities, however it did not take any side in the Iran-Iraq War. Through this it was able to manage the retention of all regional relationships and security relations with the Western world.
In the years 1986-1994, a much significant progress in foreign relations had been made by Oman. By then, Qaboos had been known as the regional figure who could be resorted to with conviction on security matters. Oman furthered its forces to participate in the UN liberation effort in 1990, after the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. It also provided access to the US for the prepositioned supplies and facilities present in Oman through the Facilities Access Agreement, which got renewed in 1990. Simultaneously, Qaboos kept Oman’s diplomatic relations with both Iraq and Kuwait. He tried to create opportunities for them so that the crisis is resolved. In addition to Qaboos’ effort to bring Iran and Iraq to terms after their war, he, in 1994, summoned the representatives of official Israeli government to a conference on water desalinization. Israeli Prime Minister Rabin was welcomed in Oman, which was an Israeli leader’s first visit to any Arab Gulf State. Qaboos was alone in initiating any ties with Israel as the GCC at that time had nil relations with it. Basically Qaboos’ intentions and policies were inclined more towards positive outcomes in the long run.
By 1999, Oman deemed a mainstream perspective of pacification and finding the middle ground in Middle Eastern politics. The country’s foreign minister met with his counterparts from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen at a conference in Cairo. In that closed meeting, as it is called, they built a position on the Iraq’s matter for the imminent conference of the 22-member Arab League in late January. The same year in February, Qaboos showed up at the funeral of Jordon’s King Hussein. This was indeed a gesture that acknowledged the solid ties between the two countries, Oman and Jordan. (Lalji, pp. 12, 2006) These ties were furthermore cemented when the newly enthroned King Abdullah of Jordan and Qaboos met. Oman was also included in the tour of Persian Gulf Allies made by U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen. This tour was basically focused towards alleviating the apprehensions concerning the United States’ drawn out actions against Iraq. An agreement was also signed between Qaboos and the President of UAE, in which Qaboos had defined the borders between Oman and the emirate of Abu Dhabi.
In 2001 when the US initiated a war on terror in response to the September 11 attacks, the Omani government pledged to support it. Throughout 2002 and into 2003, the United States, with the assistance of the United Kingdom, conducted a diplomatic effort to eradicate the Iraqi government, for its President Saddam Hussein’s alleged possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD).
Due to the United States and the United Kingdom’s amassment of troops, naval vessels, aircraft and weaponry in the Persian Gulf region, by the end of year 2002 and into 2003, Oman consisted of “3,600 U.S. military personnel, 100 elite British Special Forces, and approximately 40 aircraft.” (Oman Foreign Policy, n.p., 2003) The number of U.S. and British troops posted at the bases in Oman, as well as those in Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain increased to 250,000 by March 2003.
A state of war existed, which badly subdued the economies of Persian Gulf states. This happened because tourism and air travel weakened, a sharp rise was resulted in oil prices, and there existed no trade with Iraq, while the foreign direct investment came to a standstill. But as all the Arab stock markets rose with the war ended, a space was present for several companies in the region to gain advantage by acquiring reconstruction contracts in Iraq. It has been speculated that significant political and economic reforms throughout the region could stem from the outcomes of the change of government in Iraq. Oman was also to be involved in such a situation.
Since 1970 up till recently, Qaboos has achieved quite a lot through his foreign policy. In support of his primary objectives namely Oman’s long-term security as well as internal development, he has been successful in negotiating with various countries to acquire an assortment of assistance required to draw on the domestic assets possessed by Oman as well as its living conditions. Although Oman has stayed on as a monocracy, Qaboos has opened lines to citizen participation in government. This has been most notable by the Majlis Al-Shura [State Consultative Council] that he established in 1991. Qaboos, leading with the element of pragmatism, does not want to leave half of his country’s potential out in the cold. He looks forward to bring and maintain domestic harmony and assemble internal strengths. It is only then that Oman can prosper. (Oman Foreign Policy, n.p., 2003)
Economic Advancement
It is vital that the dynamics of Oman’s economy be understood so that the future scenario may be predicted. No doubt, Oman is thriving, with its people being habitual of a high standard of living. It is worth mentioning that there is no poverty, no income tax, and a comfortable lifestyle has been secured for every Omani citizen. For its prosperity to boom further or deteriorate, it depends a lot on decreasing oil reserves, employment expectations, rising budget shortfalls, and increased government spending, and more importantly, how Oman deals with all of this.
In 1970, with the ascent of Sultan Qaboos, Oman’s economic and social development intensely began with his dedication and steadfastness to carry the nation quickly to a level equal to its neighboring countries. The Oman’s economic situation getting bad needed the Omani government to set up a reform program. Hence, in order to meet the imminent economic challenges, Sultan Qaboos undertook a strategy of economic reform that highlighted that the government’s expenditures should be reduced, financial reserves be increased, while the economy be diverted away from the oil sector. “Net oil revenues now constitute 76.8 percent of government revenues.” (International Republican Institute (IRI), pp. 26, 1995) Consequently, the Omani government’s budgeted income could have a considerable influence on itself if the oil prices would only change by 10 percent. Oil prices have remained under $18 per barrel, even after a recovery from the lows of 1986 and 1988. Therefore, Oman has been analytically assessing both the annual budget expenses and dependence on oil revenues. The oil revenues which were steady for twenty years have driven Oman to establish a modern infrastructure. Land transport is said to be essential for Oman’s development for its being such a vast country. The country revels in modern roads and highways to all major urban areas and population centers. Other elements towards Oman’s development are the wide availability of communications, utilities, and other services.
It has been found out in recent researches that Oman’s population is likely to double in the next 18 to 20 years, and what more, this quick expansion of population is coinciding with the deteriorating oil reserves and water resources. Therefore, it is critical that a larger portion of available funds be set aside and reserved in order to provide food and basic services for this increasing young population.
Oman consulted the World Bank in 1993 to assess the country’s economic trends and suggest what could be done to improve the conditions. The core focus of the World Bank’s report was on Oman’s structural economic weaknesses, which identified the government’s incompetence to regulate expenditure to meet the unproductivity in its oil revenues. This was thought of as the primary source of Oman’s fading financial position. Other critical issues that the World Bank pointed out were its budget deficits due to an extremely high level of defense and national security expenditures, as well as high recurrent civil expenditures. (Molavi, pp. 1, 1998)
Qaboos initiated the necessary steps to solve the country’s economic problems. His financial reform focused on restricting or trimming down the rise in expenditures and improving state financial reserves. The reform actually became solid when 1995 budget was formulated, stating a 10 percent reduction in spending as compared to the expenditure level in 1993. Since then a deficit reduction has been visible. Qais bin Abdul Munim Al Zawawi, who is the Deputy Prime Minister for Financial and Economic Affairs, highlighted the point that if the policy of curtailing expenditure in all sectors is determinedly applied; the annual deficit would gradually come down until a suitable balance is reached between the country’s revenues and expenditures. Another step in this has been the reductions in civil salaries. Qaboos indeed is well aware about the current world economic situation, and knows that Oman still needs to adopt more expenditure-reducing strategies and policies to make certain that the country remains financially healthy.
The economic liberalization agenda pictures a larger role for the private sector in handling and supporting economic growth. Being particular, under this program all new key infrastructure schemes are to be financed through private equity and loans. As banks are now bigger and robust, with greater capacity to financially back private sector programs, the entire banking area has now been firmed up. (Molavi, pp. 1, 1998)
The Education
From 1970, a major concerning issue for the government was education, to quantitatively to multiply its educational services, so that the citizens living in all parts of the country and being part of all sections of the society be provided with school places. (Leddihn, pp. 26, 1992) The very goal had been achieved by the end of the twentieth century, when since 1970 till the end of 1990’s, the number of government schools had extraordinarily risen from 3 to 1000, while the enrolled number of students from 900 to over about half a million. Hence, after accomplishing this, in the twenty first century, the government’s focus shifted towards efforts to generate a substantial qualitative improvement to its education system. (Ministry of Education, pp. 17, 2004)
The legal context of education is set firstly, under the framework of the directives and decrees of Sultan Qaboos, and secondly the objectives and strategies specified by his government. Basically the major aim of the government is to obtain the country’s prosperity and future economic progress. Much of its success up till now is attributed to its effective education system, while the future developments are also greatly dependent on this element, providing the Omani youth with the knowledge and appropriate skills that are needed to understand and modify the employment market. In this regard the Ministry of Education has been successful in recognizing the need for an effectual organizational structure by bringing about an effectual change in the education sector. It has indeed created an education system that reflects the finest international practice, while at the same time firmly following the principles of Islam, and also keeping in line with the Arabic and Omani culture and heritage. (Ministry of Education, pp. 18, 2004)
Oman’s development could be believed to result from the Ministry’s educational reforms initiatives, including schemes to support educational institutions to assess their own performance, to help students if they face difficulties in learning, and to institute a national center for career guidance. (Ministry of Education, pp. 18, 2004)
The Tribal Society
The tribal society in Oman is actually its traditional substructure. The tribes, which were originally like mini-states, were accountable for the defense and welfare of their members. Politically, tribes are now more akin to interest groups, while they maintain their status as social units. (International Republican Institute (IRI), pp. 11, 1995).
Family origins, clans, and tribes still constitute to what Oman is at present. The way the Yorks and the Lancasters struggled authority of England in the 16th century, likewise two primary tribal groups cropped up as opponents for power in Oman, namely the Ibadi Hinawis and the Sunni Ghafaris. (International Republican Institute (IRI), pp. 11, 1995).
In today’s world it is generally believed that tribes are the divisive forces of fragmentation and ethnic conflict. However, the tribes in Oman are actually a part of the federation of common interests. They are quite the individual states functioning with a considerable autonomy. The mutual religious heritage and the Imamate served as adhesive elements that held the larger state together. It has been quite some time that the Sultan replaced the Imam and provided the supra-tribal fusing element and also providing welfare and defense for all the tribes. (International Republican Institute (IRI), pp. 11, 1995)
Intriguingly, it is not the chosen Imam of the historical Oman, but in fact the hereditary Sultan, who has been providing a voice to the people. The tribal society has indeed served as a pillar in Oman’s development; even then it is not very appropriate to consider the position in one’s tribe as leading to positions of leadership in Oman, but in fact the capacity to contribute to the development in the modern times of highway systems, irrigation networks, and university curricula. These are indeed all those unifying elements or forces. (International Republican Institute (IRI), pp. 11, 1995)
Conclusion
Having discussed the great development in the Sultanate of Oman since 1970, with certain reasons and factors backing it, it has been seen how Qaboos’, Oman’s Head of State, accession led to the transformation of the Sultanate into a progressive modern state. Tracing to a long time back, Oman has quite been able to reach a remarkable social and economic development. The most underlying reason for such development throughout this period has been Qaboos’ regime that proved to be capable enough to administer the development of Oman on the economic base provided by oil exports.
When Sultan Qaboos had assumed the throne in 1970, Oman was almost as far taken out from the modern, prosperous 21st century state as it is known today, as it is probable to get. In the past years before Qaboos, the country only had a few basic roads, a very small number of schools and not much development in the field of medical care; its people were poor and deprived. While those who were rich and educated, left the country to get on with businesses abroad.
It could be a conclusive factor that the development within Oman led to wider international contacts. A number of agreements, specifically with other Arab, Islamic and friendly states, have been consented. It was seen how Qaboos had placed exceptional emphasis on collaboration within the Gulf area, by joining the Arab League, becoming the 131st member of the United Nations Organization, as well as becoming a member of the Group of Non-Aligned Nations.
The paper also showed how during Oman’s development, Qaboos’ main emphasis was on the establishment of a basic infrastructure and social services that would make a modern state. Educational institutions including university, colleges and schools, along with healthcare centers have been built throughout the Sultanate. Furthermore, it was seen how Oman revels in modern roads and highways to all major urban areas and population centers, and also the establishment of harbors and airports that have allowed efficient communications with the outside world.
Basically these advancements have been obtained with the help of a series of Five Year Plans. These plans had been of an extraordinary help in such a way that by the time the oil price crisis hit early in 1986, the Sultanate’s infrastructure agenda was virtually accomplished. It could be thought that the principal long-term goals of Oman’s development strategy have for some time stayed unmoved, which includes diversification of advancement of human resources and enhancement of an increased self-reliance in the private sector.
It has been seen that the basic and most essential source of finance for Oman’s economic activity is the revenue that is derived from oil. The government is encouraging the private sector to progress; foreign investment is also accepted and appreciated. Under the diversification agenda, the element of Tourism is being developed. The industrial production of consumer goods is also being focused upon. In regard to this, the next fifteen years are expected to see the building of light to medium industries with maximum consumption of local raw materials. Through the study, it could be ascertained that no matter how many other natural resources be developed in the country, the central role of oil as the pillar of Oman’s economy is most likely to continue into the future.
Throughout its extensive history, Oman, under the reign of Qaboos has contributed to the uplifting of human civilization, a contribution that is recognized and quite well-known at an international. (Joyce, pp.149, 1995) The Oman of today is said to be internally stable, economically prosperous, and developed as a nation vital to foreign relations in the Middle East as well as the entire world. Almost all the credit is believed to be given to Sultan Qaboos for his pragmatic and independent approach in bringing Oman to this point of prosperity. He has been so far, steadily and consistently seeking security and prosperity through nonviolent means, which is indeed for the benefit of the nation.
References
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