Burity, J. A., & Santana, F. (2016). Minoritization and pluralization: What are the “people” that pentecostal politicization is building? Latin American Perspectives, 43(3), 116-132.
The article examines the rise of charismatic Pentecostalism in Brazil calling for human rights and its implication for church-state separation, sociopolitical pluralization, and the Pentecostals’ minority status. With a discourse based on perceived exclusion by the Brazilian political elite, the Pentecostal people distinguished themselves as politicized minorities. Based on 55 interviews of church leaders, the authors argue that Pentecostals struggle with competing interests of being separate from the world (an independent voice) and engaging in dialogue with secular actors in the context of increasing pluralization (Burity & Santana, 2016).
This open versus closed vision comes from the need to be self-assertive and respond to contemporary opposing views. The unintended outcome has been the blurring of the distinction between the sacrosanct and wicked or religious and secular in Pentecostalism’s conquest of the Brazilian population. The article concludes that this relational context has the potential of minoritizing the pluralistic and populist democratic practice.
Costa, L. M. & Ferreira, S. J. H. (2016). The conservative reaction in Brazil: The pendulum has swung to the right in the world scenario. World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues, 20(2), 152-168.
The article shows that capitalistic and evangelical practices have had a negative impact on global economic policy. Post-neoliberalism has deepened socioeconomic disparities, increased unemployment, and reduced opportunities for social action. The central argument is that the philosophy of individualism based on the prosperity doctrine (Pentecostalism) and entrepreneurial mindset (capitalism) has crept into the dominant discourse and created a heterogeneous working class and fragmented labor movements. The outcome has been increased competition and isolation, diminished solidarity for collective action, and relapse to conservative ideas.
Bolstered by Pentecostal movements, official policies now reflect the traditional right-wing values in countries such as Brazil that had embraced modern liberalism. In Europe and South America, a shift to right wing politics to deal with economic challenges and consolidate support for populist rhetoric is evident. Coupled with structural issues limiting legislature-executive collaboration (for Brazil), this alternative, right-wing populism has only deepened the crisis, triggered violence, and increased oppression and disparities.
de Santibañes, F. (2020). Popular conservatism rising in Latin America. Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, 15, 220-233.
The article explores the rise of a political movement (popular conservatism) in Latin America, its impact on politics and society, and related challenges. Its main claim is that popular conservatives unlike their traditional counterparts tend to adopt a more assertive (or violent) discourse, oppose the ruling elite, and advance a more direct type of democracy (de Santibañes, 2020). Conservative populist leaders, including Netanyahu, Trump, Putin, and Bolsonaro, as well as political events such as Brexit, illustrate the rising popularity of traditionalist and nationalist views. The author argues that this trend signifies the end of a liberal order that favored labor mobility, globalization, and minority rights.
In Latin America, Bolsonaro’s nationalistic approach to corruption or the Amazon issue has support from the religious institutions (mostly evangelicals), agribusinesses, and the military disgruntled with liberal elites’ failure to meet people’s economic or security expectations. However, three dangers lie ahead of this new phenomenon: weaker multilateral relations, the rise of an all-powerful state, and disappearance of liberal elites.
Maxwell, K. (1999). The two Brazils. The Wilson Quarterly, 23(1), 50-60.
The article delves into Brazil’s political and economic policies (the Real Plan) that accompanied neoliberalism in the 1990s. The neoliberal ideology adopted brought prosperity for all but the Real Plan would plunge the country into a recession, occasioning mass layoffs and forcing the then president, Fernando Cordoso, to implement IMF-mandated austerity measures. On the other hand, earlier reforms fostered pluralism and opened up political life through education, active trade union movements, and grassroots engagement. As a result, two Brazilian actors emerged: the bankers and capitalists on one hand and social/political activists on the other (Maxwell, 1999).
The latter group gave a political voice to the deprived, including the Pentecostals and African Brazilians. Cordoso’s popularity among these people was declining, as they perceived him as friendly to bankers and industrialists but hostile to workers. The article concludes that as the austerity measures led to economic slowdown, making the president unpopular, he turned to persuasion and compromise to win over the populace.
Lehman, D. (1998). Fundamentalism and globalism. Third World Quarterly, 19(4), 607-634.
The article examines the fundamentalist wave sweeping across world religions today. The author identifies the defining characteristic of this phenomenon as the notion of infallibility of religious texts in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Notably, evangelical Christian or Zionist movements have a political dimension – they form associations with ultra-nationalist reach and focus on territorial expansion. Their common features include the capacity to carry the message across cultural delimitations, dissemination of the idea of scriptural infallibility, and religious institutionalization through rules and rituals (Lehman, 1998).
They emphasize the return to traditions in their approach to sexuality with Orthodox Judaism treating women as unclean – related to menstruation. In contrast, neo-Pentecostalism is unique, as it does not draw on these traditions but rather seeks to deconstruct local or traditional popular cultures. In conclusion, fundamentalism’ focus on women empowerment and dealing with their domestic problems by providing means of economic and political participation or non-governmental movement mirrors a bottom-up form of capitalism.
Thomas, S. M. (2007). Outwitting the developed countries? Existential insecurity and the global resurgence of religion. Journal of International Affairs, 61(1), 21-45.
The critical analysis in this article considers the influence of the recent global resurgence of religious movements, including radicalism, revivalism, or fundamentalism, on international relations. Contrary to the theory of secularization, religious movements are becoming stronger, posing an existential security threat (Thomas, 2007). The article’s main claim is that developing nations have outsmarted developed ones by being centers of religious renaissance.
The author argues that the resurgence of religious movements driven by modernization and globalization will cause a shift in 21st century foreign relations. The center for the emerging cultural and religious pluralism will be in the developing countries, not the West. It will entail more emotive or persuasive forms of Christianity, including evangelical healing, which will impact international relations. This trend is not consistent with the existential security argument that draws on secularization’s idea that modernization would reduce the significance of religion. In conclusion, religious symbols and practices embedded in people’s lives will increasingly play a role in politics and foreign relations a globalized world.
Thomas, S. M. (2010). Globalized God: Religion’s growing influence in international politics. Foreign Affairs, 89(6), 93-101.
This article evaluates the religious resurgence in the context of expected demographic shifts and its impact on geopolitics. Demographic trends indicate that population growth will be highest in the global South, resulting in religious megacities in the developing world. Christianity, which began as an urban movement in medieval Europe and spread following income inequality patterns, will expand through the same path (Thomas, 2010).
It is now evolving into a post-Western religion dominant in the developing countries. The author warns that, given these trends, global Christianity will soon replace Islamist fundamentalism as a challenge to the West’s foreign policy. Additionally, religious changes occurring in China (dominated by evangelical and Islamic populations), India, and Russia (Orthodox Church) will influence geopolitics. Globalization has enhanced the participation of religious diaspora in the west in local advocacy and social action, including extremist movements such as Al Qaeda. In conclusion, faith in the global south will be central to political struggles over human rights and democratic practice, hence, religion is important in future Western diplomacy.
Garcia, A. (2019). Brazil under Bolsonaro: Social base, agenda, and perspectives. Journal of Global Faultlines, 6(1), 62-69.
The article explores the rise of the far right phenomenon globally exemplified by the election of Brazil’s president, Bolsonaro. The author attributes the emergence of ‘Bolsonarism’ to the effects of neo-liberal globalization, including high unemployment rates and economic disparities that resulted from the 2008 financial crisis. Right-wing forces’ attacks on the progressive workers party in 2013 were motivated by lost socioeconomic privileges – education and formal employment. The unemployed workers adopted conservative ethics (anti-gay and anti-feminist) that were strengthened by evangelical groups (Garcia, 2019).
Bolsonaro positioned himself as a simple person who shares these values. Therefore, his social base comprises the Pentecostal church, petty bourgeoisie, and peasant farmers that dislike the ruling elite. Despite international pressure and an irrational discourse, Bolsonaro emerged victorious in the polls because of a fake news strategy that was also used by Trump and Brexit. The article concludes that despite initiating popular economic programs, such as bilateral worker-employer negotiations, the sustainability of Bolsonaro’s regime is limited, as popular struggles and unmet interests are rising.
Smilde, D. (2003). Review: Evangelicals and politics in Latin America: Moving beyond monolithic portraits. History of Religions, 42(3), 243-248.
In this article, the author reviews three books examining the emergence of Protestantism and its impact on capitalist economics in Latin America. Historically, Catholicism’s decline in the 1980s coincided with the growth of evangelical churches that not only emphasized redemption, morality, and healing but also promoted individualism and democracy – a break from authoritarian systems (Smilde, 2003).
According to the article, the politics of evangelical Pentecostalism is complex, as the church now addresses more social issues than before. From the reviewed books, the author notes that Evangelical and Catholic actors follow distinct or opposing political visions given that Catholicism and Evangelism comprise loosely integrated movements. Another important point made is that contrary to the assumption that Evangelical actors and followers do not share political ideals, they indeed do since Protestantism tends to align to grassroots social inclusion. In conclusion, diverse Evangelical political engagements involving different actors transcend denominational lines (Catholic or Pentecostal monolith) with theology being a critical factor.
Dixon, D. E. (1995). Review: The new Protestantism in Latin America: Remembering what we already know, testing what we have learned. Comparative Politics, 27(4), 479-492.
This review article examines the new wave of Protestantism spreading in Latin America. Protestant populations have been growing since the 1960s, changing the family structure, social relations, and political and economic culture but most analyses do not address cultural and political options created locally. From the several works considered, the author notes that the attempt to attract capital from North America and Europe led to Protestant expansion in the 19th century. New social principles – communication, economics, and politics – were introduced (Dixon, 1995). He attributes the massive wave and influence of Protestantism to its responsiveness to local cultural, political, and economic needs.
Its appeal is linked to the acceptance of the poor, racial minorities (African Brazilians), and uneducated population that can participate in Protestant work without being forced to comprehend complex doctrines. Protestantism’s progressive stance not only helped solve immediate economic need but it has also caused permanent sociocultural transformation in Latin America. In conclusion, understanding the political goals of different groups, including bishops and the underprivileged, requires cultural analysis of Pentecostalism and progressive Catholicism.
Ramos, A. (2020). Which truth will set Brazil free: Political lessons from the rise of the evangelical right. Harvard Kennedy School Review, 20, 20-24.
Evangelicals have immense control on Brazil’s political system and democracy. This article considers the origins and spread of neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil and the projected increased democratic participation of evangelicals residing in poor or marginalized neighborhoods. Pentecostal churches appealed to this population by propagating a “message of hope and prosperity” (Ramos, 2020, p. 20). With the economic crisis, the evangelicalism is bound to increase in popularity across Brazil. Historically, evangelicals’ involvement in politics was limited considering the principle of church-state separation.
However, with democracy came expanded sexual rights and a decline in traditional family values. The evangelicals’ opposition of abortion and same-sex marriages ushered a new political era. The evangelical community is now an influential group that Bolsonaro has engaged after his popularity among elites declined. The author identifies an important lesson from this phenomenon: evangelicals’ political influence will encourage antidemocratic practices. Their strong stance against abortion and same-sex unions are aligned to the far right because of the anti-religious view adopted by leftist political actors.
Cowan, B. A. (2018). A hemispheric moral majority: Brazil and the transnational construction of the New Right. Revista Brasileira dePolítica Internacional, 61(2), 1-26.
The article examines Brazil as the epicenter of the New Right – radical deregulation, individual autonomy, and capitalism. Considering the role of right-wing Christian conservatives in Brazil, the author argues that the new politicized Christianity has changed this Right in a post-authoritarian era. The New Right arose transnationally after the Cold War as Brazilian activists supported the anti-Communist wave and the Vatican order (Cowan, 2018).
The International Policy Forum (IPF) was founded to bring together right-wing leaders across nations. Its Brazilian IPF chapter was the Tradition, Family, and Property (TFP) organization that leveraged transnational linkages with like-minded anti-communist neoconservatives in the USA to advance the religious Right founded on anti-communism, morality, anti-modernism, and anti-statist commitment. Brazil’s far right ideology emerged following right-wing disjointedness. It involves conservative evangelical politicians with a strong stance on social and moral issues and ethnocentric focus. In conclusion, the evangelical support has a transnational dimension with relationships among conservatives playing a role in the practice of the New Right.
Løland, O. J. (2020). The political conditions and theological foundations of the new Christian right in Brazil. Iberoamericana – Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 49(1), 63-73.
Bolsonaro’s 2018 victory in Brazil’s presidential polls was possible due to the massive support he garnered from Evangelicals and Catholics in the country. This article explores the theologies propagated by key religious figures that influenced the outcome. The author identifies three relevant theological categories: a supernatural form of neoliberalism, apocalyptic doctrine emphasizing good versus evil, and neoconservative Catholicism (Løland, 2020).
The religious groups worked with right-wing activists to popularize these doctrinal values among the masses. The alliance capitalized on cultural conditions in Brazil that aligned with the Christian Right in the US. Bolsonaro’s ascendancy as a major political actor can be attributed to his association with politically active conservative Christians and the theological values they espouse. These groups included the traditional Pentecostal evangelicals, neo-Pentecostalism, and Catholic neoconservatives. The author concludes that while some undemocratic and conservative ideals are espoused in this Christian Right, the new trend is likely to contribute to democratic development in Brazil.
Freston, P. (1999). “Neo-Pentecostalism” in Brazil: Problems of definition and the struggle for hegemony. Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions, 44e(105), 145-162.
This article examines Brazil’s neo-Pentecostalism, including its typologies and efforts by new denominations to dominate Protestantism in this country. Delving into the history of the Protestant community in Brazil, the author notes that Pentecostal churches grew most among the lower socioeconomic groups. Denominations such as the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UC) grew very fast because they offered ecclesial messages appealing to the masses.
A key characteristic of Pentecostalism in Brazil is that, unlike Catholicism, it is highly segmented, as it seeks to supplant earlier churches planted by missionaries and immigrants. Neo-Pentecostal churches such as UC have emerged that appeal to the poor and operate alongside charismatic movements that serve the middle class. In conclusion, UC’s struggle for Protestant hegemony in Brazil has thrust it into the political sphere – it has formed alliances to mobilize resources for political initiatives aimed at protecting Protestant actors from secularism and forming a voting bloc.
Patterson, E. (2005). Religious activity and political participation: The Brazilian and Chilean Cases. Latin American Politics and Society, 47(1), 1-29.
This article analyzes the effect of Protestantism on Latin American politics. The author examines the hypothesis whether different religions lead to diversity in political practice. The religious shift in Brazil and Chile is based on the idea that, unlike Catholicism, Protestant movements espouse democratic or pluralistic ideals. Their investment in civic skills – communication and organization principles – through teaching has enhanced citizen engagement and political participation.
Further, religious-based political parties have been formed in Peru and Guatemala that are allied to top politicians. However, given that the foundational beliefs differ between Protestants and Catholics, political behavior is bound to be different. The author establishes that religious activity and political engagement predict public participation in Brazilian or Chilean politics for Protestants. Thus, religious institutions instil key skills in the congregation that can be channeled to political activity. Further, the different basic beliefs between Protestants and Catholics result in distinct brands of politics by the Brazilian and Chilean public.
Freston, P. (2002). Evangelicals and politics in Latin America. Transformation, 19(4), 271-274.
Evangelical Christianity is closely tied to the Latin American democratization process. Based on the defining features of evangelicalism (conversion, activism, infallibility of scripture, and a focus on Christ’s sacrifice in the cross), the article explores the direct and indirect involvement of the actors in politics and its consequences. Latin America, as a region, is marked by high inequalities that are a legacy of colonial landholding practices.
A vibrant civil society emerged to address these issues, but the evangelical community captured social thought of the people through its doctrines. While political attitudes among the Pentecostal groups in Latin America are diverse, they are united politically in their strong stance against corruption, call for religious egalitarianism, and fair electoral practices. In conclusion, the evangelical groups’ participation in politics also extends to fighting for peasant farmers against Guatemala’s guerillas – a common enemy – and democratization of ritual functions in Pentecostal churches to include even the poor.
Reich, G., & Santos, P. S. (2013). The rise (and frequent fall) of evangelical politicians: Organization, theology, and church politics. Latin American Politics and Society, 55(4), 1-22.
Evangelical politicians in Latin America have taken up legislative roles. In Brazil, these legislators have been implicated in political corruption. This article evaluates how evangelical interests in the country are protected through these representatives. The central argument is that evangelical’s political engagement entails three electoral approaches: rejection, individual involvement, and a church community project (Reich & Santos, 2013). Of the three methods, the personal mode is the least prone to corruption scandals in Brazil. In contrast, the corporate or church community model is disposed to this vice. Evangelical legislators sponsored by churches often adopt machine or resource-based politics that are associated with political corruption. The authors also associate narrowing of voter bases and party hopping with this electoral mode.
They further connect these attributes to evangelical implication in scandals reported during President da Silva’s reign (2003-2011). In conclusion, the article demonstrates the critical role of evangelical movement and theological values (prosperity teaching) in influencing legislative representation and the disposition to political corruption.
Gutierrez, G. (1988). A theology of liberation: History, politics, and salvation. Orbis Books.
This book illuminates the distinctive features of liberation theology and places them in a historical context of the revolutionary process in Latin America. Drawing on political theology of hope and secularism in earlier texts, the author notes that the Latin American experience is characterized by a pattern of political domination. While at the global front, richer nations dominate poorer ones, in Latin America a powerful elite controls the masses.
However, unlike in other third world countries, the church is a part of the dominant group and a crucial cultural actor in this region. Thus, Christians must endeavor to free people from this domination through radical attacks on unfair systems and structures. While pre-evangelization emphasized salvation, in Latin America the church operates beyond such a narrow scope of self-liberation by acting on behalf of the oppressed. The social realities drive the church into working with those repressed in a liberation struggle.
References
Burity, J. A., & Santana, F. (2016). Minoritization and pluralization: What is the “people” that pentecostal politicization is building?Latin American Perspectives, 43(3), 116-132. Web.
Costa, L. M. & Ferreira, S. J. H. (2016). The conservative reaction in Brazil: The pendulum has swung to the right in the world scenario. World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues, 20(2), 152-168. Web.
Cowan, B. A. (2018). A hemispheric moral majority: Brazil and the transnational construction of the New Right. Revista Brasileira dePolítica Internacional, 61(2), 1-26. Web.
de Santibañes, F. (2020). Popular conservatism rising in Latin America. Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, 15, 220-233. Web.
Dixon, D. E. (1995). Review: The new Protestantism in Latin America: Remembering what we already know, testing what we have learned. Comparative Politics, 27(4), 479-492. Web.
Freston, P. (1999). “Neo-Pentecostalism” in Brazil: Problems of definition and the struggle for hegemony. Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions, 44e(105), 145-162. Web.
Freston, P. (2002). Evangelicals and politics in Latin America. Transformation, 19(4), 271-274. Web.
Garcia, A. (2019). Brazil under Bolsonaro: Social base, agenda, and perspectives. Journal of Global Faultlines, 6(1), 62-69. Web.
Gutierrez, G. (1988). A theology of liberation: History, politics, and salvation. Orbis Books.
Lehman, D. (1998). Fundamentalism and globalism. Third World Quarterly, 19(4), 607-634. Web.
Løland, O. J. (2020). The political conditions and theological foundations of the new Christian right in Brazil. Iberoamericana – Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 49(1), 63-73. Web.
Maxwell, K. (1999). The two Brazils. The Wilson Quarterly, 23(1), 50-60. Web.
Patterson, E. (2005). Religious activity and political participation: The Brazilian and Chilean Cases. Latin American Politics and Society, 47(1), 1-29. Web.
Ramos, A. (2020). Which truth will set Brazil free: Political lessons from the rise of the evangelical right. Harvard Kennedy School Review, 20, 20-24. Web.
Reich, G., & Santos, P. S. (2013). The rise (and frequent fall) of evangelical politicians: Organization, theology, and church politics. Latin American Politics and Society, 55(4), 1-22. Web.
Smilde, D. (2003). Review: Evangelicals and politics in Latin America: Moving beyond monolithic portraits. History of Religions, 42(3), 243-248. Web.
Thomas, S. M. (2007). Outwitting the developed countries? Existential insecurity and the global resurgence of religion. Journal of International Affairs, 61(1), 21-45. Web.
Thomas, S. M. (2010). Globalized God: Religion’s growing influence in international politics. Foreign Affairs, 89(6), 93-101. Web.