The primary modes of subsistence among the Navajo Research Paper

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Introduction

The Navajo, often spelt as Navaho, refers to a group of the American Indian populations that have settled in the Northwestern region of New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado and Southeastern Utah. This group of people speaks an Apachean language that can be categorized in the Athabascan family. It is often thought that the Navajo migrated from Canada where other Athabascan-speaking groups are found between the 10th and 13th centuries.

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However, the Navajo were influenced by other groups that they came into contact with such as the Pueblo Indians, and adopted farming as their primary mode of subsistence. This meant that the Navajo had to adopt a sedentary lifestyle (Kroeber, 1928). Nonetheless, agriculture has often been augmented and/or superseded in some instances by livestock rearing, especially sheep herding. According to the 1990 census, the number of Navajos living in their designated area was estimated to be over 150,000.

Also, it was indicated that well over 50,000 Navajos were scattered across other regions of the United States though they kept strong ties with their homeland (Csordas, 2000). Due to the expanded region occupied by the Navajos, there is no doubt that some regional and cultural variation among the Navajos is not a surprise. Essentially, the Navajo are traditionally organized around a system of exogamous matrilineal clans. Their primary subsistence is centered on two aspects including farming and herding (Csordas, 2000).

This paper elaborates on the primary modes of subsistence among the Navajo, and how they have been able to impact on other aspects of cultural behavior. It has been identified that the Navajo rely on both farming and livestock rearing as their main modes of subsistence. As the case with primary modes of subsistence, the two aspects have had far-reaching effects on the economic organization, beliefs and values, gender relations, kinship and social organization of the Navajo.

History of the Navajo

The Navajo have a rich history dating back to the 16th century as implied by the 1541 hogan [traditional dwelling place for the Navajo] that was discovered in Northwest New Mexico (Underhill, 1956). Essentially, the Navajo were similar in size to other Apache tribes. However, this has changed greatly as the Navajo are considered to be the largest Indian tribe in the United States.

This tremendous growth has been attributed to the Navajo’s ability to learn new mechanisms. Flexibility among the Navajo has been central to their livelihood (Underhill, 1956). By analyzing the various parts of the Navajo culture, it can be asserted that the Navajo have historically been good at assimilating and learning. They are said to have adopted various aspects such as clothing, pottery and weaving from others.

The concept of stone house and farming was assimilated from the Pueblo Indians. On the other hand, weaving and sheep rearing was borrowed from the Spaniards. There are many other elements which were borrowed from other people who were not Navajos (Underhill, 1956).

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Following the United States war with Mexico, the area that was initially inhabited by the Navajo was taken over by the United States government. Kit Carson was appointed to take charge of the Navajo who had been evicted from their original land in 1863 (Kessell, 1981). The Navajo were forced to reside at Fort Sumner following the infamous long walk.

This action deprived the Navajo of their pride, and that after over two centuries of total freedom; they were forced to adopt a slavery lifestyle. The United States government intended to introduce sedentary lifestyle to the Navajos. Given that they did not have their livestock for meat and wool for weaving yarn, the Navajos were forced to adopt agriculture as their mode of subsistence.

The Navajos were however faced with numerous challenges such as cold, hunger and crop failure and this prompted the American government to return them back to their original land. Here, their primary mode of subsistence became agriculture and sheep rearing (Kessell, 1981).

Farming among the Navajo

The Navajo were essentially hunters and gatherers. However, when they came into contact with the Pueblo Indians, they converted to farming. The Navajo originally came from Southwestern Canada and Alaska before settling in the United States. The current Navajo territory in the United States includes various states such as Arizona, New Mexico, Utah and Colorado. They met the Pueblo Indians who were farmers and learned farming from them.

They learnt farming of various crops such as corn, beans, squash and melons. The adoption of farming by the Navajo had far-reaching impacts on the Navajo society. In this regard, farming played a critical role in gender issues.

It can be noted that women were left to take care of crops and animals whereas men took on other issues in the society. For instance, men served as chiefs and council members and others practiced hunting. Farming was predominantly a woman affair. In this regard, women engaged in most of the farming activities, and participated in gathering of nuts and fruits (Kroeber, 1928).

The central position of farming in the Navajo’s world view has not been adequately acknowledged by anthropologists. However, Hill (1938) observed that the Navajos consider themselves as primarily an agricultural society. The importance of agriculture can be observed in the settlement patterns of the Navajo.

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The settlement pattern of the Navajo has been defined by the sedentary farming economy. The Navajo summer hogans are often situated not with regard for grazing land, for roads, for water, or for any other conveniences, but rather in relation to the cornfields. This depicts the importance of agriculture and how it has affected the settlement pattern among the Navajos.

Though the winter hogans are located with respect to the availability of firewood, it has to be noted that they are usually situated not far away from the summer hogans. The sedentary pattern of life is said to have inhibited the development of the Navajo livestock rearing. Though there have been complaints about overgrazing on the Navajo reservation, it is important to note that overgrazing has not been reported in many areas since it is inefficient.

The areas that are near camps and water sources are virtually denuded whereas significant tracts, especially those at higher elevations, are inconsistently used. It has been noted that the pastoralist aspect of the Navajo has had to adapt to the sedentary lifestyle that favors agricultural practice. In this case, it can be asserted that farming has taken precedence among the Navajos. Therefore, farming activity among the Navajo can be said to be the most important economic activity as compared to any other (Adams & Basso, 1971).

Farming among the Navajo has greatly impacted on the kinship among this community. It has been noted that farming among the Navajos involves both sexes and all ages. This is despite the fact that women are seen as the dominant players in farming. Farming among the Navajos has also been identified as an activity that stimulates the interaction, as well as cooperation between extended family members.

At Shonto in 1955, the once nebulous kin groups which are often referred to as ‘outfits’ had a negligible importance except at the start and end of the farming season. During such times, the ‘outfits’ would come together either to subjugate new land or to harvest the corn crop. Since farming has been closely integrated with other cultural aspects of the Navajo, it has acted to enhance kinship relationship among this community (Adams & Basso, 1971).

Livestock rearing among the Navajo

Rearing of livestock among the Navajo is said to have begun in the 16th century. This aspect was borrowed from the Spaniards whereby the Navajo started by raiding and stealing sheep and horses from the Spanish settlers. The Navajo’s livelihood then shifted as they began to depend on livestock. Sheep were reared for wool, which was used in weaving, and for meat.

Though the Navajo had other livestock including cattle, Ilamas, goats and horses, sheep were the predominant livestock that were reared by this community (Adams & Basso, 1971). Sheep among the Navajos can historically be traced to the late 16th century when Don Juan de Onate came to the Southwest in search of gold and other resources. It is argued that he brought with him sheep which was to be used as food for him and his accomplices.

The churro sheep was selected owing to the breed’s versatility. The introduction of sheep in this part of the world has proved to have had a great impact on the Navajos. The Navajos acquired sheep through raids and trade and integrated them into their cultural and economic aspects (Kroeber, 1928).

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During the 19th century, sheep rearing was equally important to the Navajos just as farming. Sheep was essential as it provided fiber that was used by the Navajo in weaving. The churro sheep proved essential to the Navajos as it was a source of quality wool, had multiple births and was resistant to various diseases. The churro sheep became so dear to the lives of the Navajos to confirm the notion that among the Navajos, sheep was life.

The 1860s was a turbulent period to the Navajos, especially when they were forced to undergo the infamous long walk (Savage and Swetnam, 1990). To reiterate the importance of sheep among the Navajos, when they were released from the internment camp and allowed to return to their original homes, each one of them was provided with two sheep. However, by the 1930s, the Navajo are said to have well over 1.3 million sheep (Adams & Basso, 1971).

This again forced the government to take measures that saw the reduction in the number of flocks that were held by the Navajos. It was argued that the livestock kept by the Navajos had led to overgrazing and that the government had to reduce the household livestock. During this exercise, one third of each household’s livestock were killed by the government officials. Though the government promised to compensate the Navajos for their great loss of livestock, this never happened and the Navajos have never fully recovered from this ordeal (Kessell, 1981).

Livestock, especially sheep rearing, has had a far-reaching impact on the cultural aspect of the Navajo. The churro sheep has been integrated in the values and beliefs of these people. In this respect, the Navajo hold the philosophy that spirituality and sheep are entangled just as wool in the toughest weaving.

The Navajo holds that sheep is a symbol for good life. Therefore, sheep symbolizes harmonious living and balance on land. From these assertions, it can be observed that sheep herding has affected the beliefs and values of the Navajo (Savage and Swetnam, 1990).

Livestock rearing also affected the settlement pattern of the Navajo. With herding as one of the modes of subsistence among the Navajo, it meant that this community could not adopt an entirely sedentary lifestyle.

Therefore, rather than opting to live in a single and relatively permanent camps close to the fields, the Navajo started to use both summer and winter camps alternatively to suit their requirements for grazing and water at various times of the year. It can be asserted that sheep and other livestock indeed play a role in the settlement patterns exhibited by the Navajo (Savage and Swetnam, 1990).

Sheep herding had a great impact on the gender relations among the Navajo. Though livestock was generally attended to by both men and women, it is the women who were closely associated with sheep. Women in particular engaged in weaving and this brought a close relationship between them and the sheep.

Weaving is an aspect that is held dearly by the Navajo and serves as one of their main source of income. In this society, women hold high social status compared to men. Weaving is done by women who pass the trend to their daughters. Sheep are highly regarded in that they provide the Navajo women with wool that is used in weaving. Weaving has been embraced by women since it makes their lives more fulfilling. The sheep can therefore be said to have drawn a social boundary between men and women among the Navajo (Kroeber, 1928).

Conclusion

The Navajo have two primary modes of subsistence which include livestock rearing and farming. These two elements have had a great impact on the general cultural aspect of this community. Farming for instance is majorly practiced by the women as opposed to men. In addition, farming plays a critical role in the settlement pattern of the Navajos in that their hogans are in most instances built close to the fields even if they are to move from the fields in search of water and grass.

Also, farming has had an impact on the kinship aspect of the Navajo in that kinship groups comes together to assist one another during field preparation and harvest time. On the other hand, livestock rearing has also had a great effect on various cultural aspects of the Navajo society. Sheep rearing was also critical to the economy of the Navajo as it served as the source of wool that was used in weaving. This aspect was dealt a heavy blow during the long walk and the stock reduction exercise that was carried by the government.

It has also been noted that sheep has been integrated in the religious beliefs of the Navajo where sheep and spirituality are intertwined. The impact of sheep rearing has also affected the pattern of settlement in that the Navajo have had to do with winter and summer dwellings instead of sticking to a sedentary lifestyle. It has also been noted that sheep rearing has impacted on gender relations as women are engaged in weaving which is highly regarded among the Navajo society.

References

Adams, W. Y. and Basso, K. H. (1971). Apachean culture history and ethnology. Tucson, Ariz.: University of Arizona Press.

Csordas, T. J. (2000). The Navajo Healing Project. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 14(4): 463-475.

Hill, W. W. (1938). The agricultural and hunting methods of the Navaho Indians. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Kessell, J. L. (1981). General Sherman and the Navajo Treaty of 1868: A basic and expedient misunderstanding. The Western Historical Quarterly, 12: 251-272.

Kroeber, A. L. (1928). Native Culture of the Southwest. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 23(9): 375-98.

Savage, M. and Swetnam, T. W. (1990). Early 19th-century fire decline following sheep pasturing in a Navajo ponderosa pine forest. Ecology, 71: 2374-2378.

Underhill, R. M. (1956). The Navahos. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

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