Introduction
Lebanon is characterized by her extreme diversity based on religion, culture and politics. This diversity technically complicates the establishment of a stable political arrangement that defines Lebanese unified national identity. In religion diversity for example, Lebanese has six different Muslim sects and twelve different Christian sects that are largely geographically defined, all seeking for proper representation in the day to day running of the government. To achieve this delicate balance of power, the Lebanese functions through a system of governance that apportions political and institutional power proportionally according to the relative religious populations. This system of consociational governance is referred to as Confessionalism.
Confessionalism in Lebanon
The fall of Ottoman Empire sparked several attempts to find solutions of integrating the diverse cultures while taking into consideration the establishment of a modern political system. The merits of both strategies were however limited by the complex nature of ways and means of reconciliation of the interests of the different ethnic and religious groups. In addition the assimilation of minorities coupled with the delicate task of settling of differences and disputes among them complicated the entire process. Each aspect of rebuilding Lebanon as seen today has been shaped through efforts by the leaders of her religious sub-communities in search of fair representation. These aspects have contributed greatly in the political and economic development of Lebanon as a state since her independence in 1943 (Seaver, 40).
The following notes identifies and explains the pros and cons of some of the important historical incidences based on the spirit of Confessionalism and contribution they had in shaping up the modern Lebanon’s Political, Social and Economic blueprints.
The political Establishment
The 1943 agreement by the representatives of the major dominant groups of that time, that is, the Maronite and the Sunni elite set the stage of the major political revolution of political Confessionalism in the first republic of Lebanon. According to the agreement Lebanon was to be a state with an Arab face, and Arab language but was to maintain her special nature of its confessional groups sprung up by the high percentages of Non Muslims. The agreement confirmed the principle of political Confessionalism where confessional groups and not parties were acknowledged as the main actors in the political arena. The consociational system designated specifically the mechanisms of conflict resolution and interest balancing in a multi-confessional society (Saidi, 64).
As the rapidly growing economy in the decades after 1943 caused wealth and urbanization between one part of the population, it also quickly caused a rural migration to the cities that eventually lead to unemployment and poverty in the suburbs. The cleavage between rich and poor was growing, and there was a high demand for political interference, that could not be met. The delicate balance between the leaders and the fact that most of them were commercially orientated also caused a lazes-faire system. The elites were not able to lead a healthy economic development in the long run, and at the same time distribute the benefits between all groups in the country. Neither were they able to carry out reforms because of their lack of common interest for their country (Odeh, 84).
The ideal of a confessional democracy did not manage to abolish the political culture that already existed in the country, and therefore did not unite the Lebanese people in one strong nation state. The lack of belief in the confessional system and a lack of Lebanese national feeling made the country seem split and vulnerable towards conflicts. As a result of this the susceptibility towards internal upheavals, especially if the systems was stressed, was high. It also meant that a possible military invasion from outside countries would be hard to defend. The fact that Lebanon had implemented a passive foreign policy and a practically non-existing national army came to show as a disastrous defense. This was further complicated by the fact that the all the communities in the country were split and there was mistrust towards any institution that attempted to bring them together (Khalaf, 87).
The Demarcation of the Greater Lebanon and the twenty years of civil strife
Lebanon’s boarders as they are known today were drawn under a political Confessionalism dispensation struck between the Christian community and the colonial masters on one side and the Muslims on the other. It was in 1920 that the non-formal confederation between the Christian Maronite community and the colonial masters, the French, finally succeeded in setting up the boarders of the “Greater Lebanon” with its current boarders. This elicited great anger among the Muslim sub-communities who opposed the move in total and immediately struck an alliance with Syria to push for re-demarcation. The resulting strife between the two sides aggregated a major national instability that gave birth to mass migration that adversely affected the demographic patterns within a period of more than two decades.
The civil war in Lebanon was basically as a result of Syrian interference in her internal political affairs. This would be compounded by the fact that Lebanon people were themselves divided and had their own conflicts between the Muslims and the Christians. The causes of Lebanese war therefore, though externally aggravated had a lot to do with the confessional political situation at home. The war jeopardized the economy causing huge damage in cities and major infrastructure resulting to inflation and rise in cost of living that brought great suffering to the Lebanese people. The socio-political differences eventually resulted to uprisings in the rural and urban suburbs, strikes staged by the working class and the sprouting of a militant movement by the student to protest against the government of the day.
Independence of Lebanon
In 1943 there was a power-sharing agreement between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon contained in the famous “National pact 1.” This system was to stage a common front against the French rule and it succeeded to win the independence of Lebanon the same year. The success was a wake up call for the Lebanese people who realized that with proper representation of the various minorities in the government, much could be achieved. A formula for Christians and Muslims representation in parliament was fixed at a ratio of 6:5 respectively. The ratio was based on the population distribution as per the 1932 census and it formed the basis for confessional representation for all political positions, public offices and public funding (Christopher, 39).
Demographic and Political Manipulation
The distribution of the government resources to various groups according to their population has resulted to multiple political manipulations in demographic indexes to favor their sub-community. For example in the 1950s Lebanon President Camolle Chamoun accorded Palestinian Christians the right to apply for Lebanese citizenship in an attempt to raise the number of Lebanese Christians. In 1994, a naturalization decree was issued effectively increasing the Lebanon’s population by 10% mostly Muslim.
Foreign Intervention
Many Western countries most remarkably the USA has sort for alliances with the Maronite Christian in a bid to push her interests in the country. Israel has in several occasions pushed for her agenda in the Lebanon by use of the Christians. For example, Israel in 1982 established an agreement with Lebanese Maronite leaders to install them in power in parallel with her invasion of Lebanon. Syria and Iran have also in similar circumstances forged alliances with the Lebanese Muslim groupings to address their political agenda.
Political Representation
Since 1932 there has not been an official census in Lebanon because such a census represents a threat to the status quo. Demographic and citizens’ social need is seriously unaccomodated in the Political representation. Readjustments in the political and social balance are essential in reflecting the cumulative effects of birth rates, emigration, social need and social disparities. A confessional system that disallows such readjustments, social discontent between confessions will inevitably explode (Cobban, 98).
Restriction in the Holding of state offices
The confessional representation technically denies the chance for citizens to hold offices that they may qualify for, if they do not match with their religious affiliations’ provisions. It is the Taif accord that allocated the country’s offices of state on the basis of one’s religious affiliations. The states most important high offices were allocated to specific communities, for example the president sit was a preserve for a Maronite Christian. The prime minister position was allocated to a Sunni Muslim and that of the speaker of parliament reserved for a Shiite Muslim, this meant that any other qualifications by any citizen that did not match the confessional criteria as well were nullified.
Constitutional reforms
The 1st Lebanese constitution was adopted on the 23rd of May 1926 and introduced Confessionalism in Lebanon. In 1989, a committee appointed by the Arab League, chaired by Kuwait sat in Ta’if, Saudi Arabia, they came up with a new constitutional agreement named Document of National Understanding, also called Ta’if Agreement. Taif agreement recommended changes in the former National Pact’s proposals by transferring some of the power away from the Christian president to the cabinet and parliament so as to accommodate the demographic strength of the Muslim community. The power of the Christian President was drastically reduced by shifting his executive authority to cabinet. This move increased the power of the Sunni Prime Minister and therefore effectively increased the level of representation of the Muslim in government. It also elevated the chamber of deputies at the expense of the president by stipulating that the president had to consult with the parliament on the nomination of the prime minister. This was a complete departure from the traditional way where the president nominated the prime minister unilaterally.
This can however, be viewed as a positive step towards collective responsibility in a public office that allows for check and balances on the decision made on behalf of the public. This has been used as a measure of the confessional democracy in Lebanon. The Taif agreement also reached for gradual disarmament of the militia groups that would guarantee peace for the citizens (Cobban, 88).
Social-Economic Confessionalism Impact
Lebanese national social identity is divided between the individual’s affiliation to their confessional social groupings and their attachment to the Lebanese entity, or to a broader notion of Arabness’. The bond of individuals’ to the nation’s social structure and loyalty to such structures has always been compromised by ones affiliation to ethnical and religious expectations. Lebanon has failed to establish a set of social mechanisms able to integrate a religiously and ethnically mixed population without provoking violence along ethnic and religious lines. As a result of this failure, Lebanon has experienced the trauma of pointless wars without actual winners, wars that have resulted to no fundamental solutions (Ussama, 26).
Christians have always feared a Muslim dominated system this is because of the increasing influence from Syria in the new Lebanon. In addition the Christians have lost faith the Lebanese institutions that may protect their interest. Muslims also and in particular the Majority Shiites group feels under represented and even though the Taif agreement had increased their influence and power in the running of the government. The Shiites majority wants their numerical strength be reflected among the Muslim representation. Such a system, in which mechanisms of power distribution is based on communities’ numerical status need to adapt to socio – cultural changes and reflect such an environment otherwise, otherwise it could spark conflicts in the society. (Saidi, 86).
Listed below are some of these social and economic impacts brought about by the Confessionalism system that have impacted positively or negatively to the Lebanese population.
Peaceful co-existence of the Lebanese people
The confessional system in Lebanon has enabled the peaceful co-existence of Lebanon’s religious and ethnic communities. Though it is contained in a delicate confessional balance which is prone to internal changes and external forces, this peaceful co-existence has been made real because the system allots power to each community according to its demographic weight, according to the 2008 Doha agreement, for example, the parliament after the 2009 elections will be divided among the largest 10 of the country’s 18 official religious groups (Khalaf, 59).
Unity of purpose
The confessional system of governance in Lebanon resulted to a compromise between the Christians and the Muslims which checks each group from exercising extreme practices that may potentially harm the minorities. The Christians gave up their foreign protection that would open doors for dominance and influence of western power over the country. The Muslim in the other hand recognized the existence of the “Greater Lebanon” effectively giving up the idea of Lebanon being part of Syria or an Arab entity. This compromise has made governance easy to execute.
State religion
Due to the delicate nature of her confessional system, it is impossible to declare a state religion in Lebanon. This has in effect protected the groups that would be left out if such a declaration was to be made. The system has therefore insulated the minority groups from such extreme decrees as witnessed in other Arab countries (Odeh, 96).
Religion – Political Role conflict
The role of religion in the running of the day to day state affairs has sparked differences among the Muslim and Christians. This has been brought about by lack of cut line between religion issues and politics. The interaction of the roles and positions among the religious and political platforms and how they can be separated has resulted in a greater segregation among the Muslim and Christians. While the majority of Christians favor political and administrative decentralization of the government, Majority of Muslim prefers a unified central government (Owen, 59).
The Role of Education in National Political Socialization
The Taif agreement provided for standardization of textbooks in civics and history in such a way that they promote national integration. The complexity of the diversity in the government system has made these recommendations difficult to implement. There has been no consensus as to how history and political systems should be interpreted and taught. Schools therefore go on teaching religious content with no clear directions from the government through the Ministry of Education. However studies show that the more children learn about other peoples’ religious and cultural belief and practices, the more they are likely to cope with their differences. Allowing students to learn about other cultures and religion however, can improve the way they think and respond to members of those cultures and make it easier to cooperate with them (Ussama, 66).
Sectarian Differences
Confessional system emphases tend to encourage greater allegiance to one’s ethnic group, instead of the state. This move has resulted to institutionalization and deepening of sectarian differences that have created dependencies within one’s ethnic group. Important social amenities such as high ranking Jobs, housing facilities and education placements that are supposed to be obtained based on individual’s merit are instead allocated through appeals to the sectarian confessional political and religious representatives. Such institutions in essence undermine the value of one’s national citizenship.
Economic cooperation and Social-cultural development
The Lebanese confessional system creates an opposing incentive for community leaders to consolidate the upward integration of their communities. This is unlike a modern, secular state that depends on the development of common, cross-cutting interests of her citizens that is spread evenly to the population based on merit.
The 1975 – 1989 Civil War
The civil war of 1975 was characterized by shifting sectarian alliances and further division that had rendered the confessional representation as defined by the National pact 1 of 1943 impractical. Religious sub-groups had emerged and some of the resulting groups felt that there was no fair representation of their respective groups in the organs of the government. National reconcialition efforts failed with the situation worsening between 1985 and 1989 when heavy fighting in refugee camps killed thousands. This war brought a sudden decline in the economic growth rate, watered down the achievement that the young Lebanon state had accumulated and left more than 300,000 people dead. The war was however brought to a halt when conditions among the warring groups eventually converged to permit a cessation of conflict. (Saidi, 36).
The Hezbollah Question and the Military Balance
The grievances out of the failures of the sensitive nature of the representation in the confessional government led to emergence of the Shi’te Hezbollah movement, the “Party of God” in the southern Lebanon. The Taif accord had stipulated that all the armed militias to disarm, but Hezbollah did not disarm but has instead continued to arm itself as an anti-Israel resistance force in the southern part of the country, where the Lebanese army, cannot operate. This is a natural catalyst for instability. Hezbollah is now seen as a “state within a state”, independent of the official state institutions. Its operations have sparkled harsh words especially between Israel, USA, Iran and Syria. With the confessional system of government in force, effort to disband the movement has been fruitless. The successful and bloody military opposition against the government, by the Hezbollah forces over the Beirut airport security protocol just demonstrates the potential danger posed by this militia group. Though rebuilding of the country’s infrastructure had been done after the civil war, the 33-day Israel-Hezbollah war of 2006 which was sparked by the kidnapping by Hezbollah of two Israeli soldiers, reversed the situation.
Conclusion
Over the years plans have been live to institutionalize transitional criteria and plans that will pave way of abolishing Confessionalism in the future Lebanon. The Taif agreement provided for such a criterion where the electoral systems would depart from communal referencing both at the civil service level and at the governmental level. Once fully implemented the system will completely break the traditional confessional based power-sharing system. The implementation has been however tricky and delicate with both Christian and Muslim groups exercising caution in its implication. The Christians fear that the political structures may be hijacked, and an Islamic state be established by the Syria supported Muslim majority. Many Christians are therefore opting to seek refuge outside Lebanon. The mass exodus of the Christians reduces their population representations among the larger Lebanese community a situation that incites the Muslims’ to claim for political dominance as the most populace community (Seaver, 20).
Work Cited
Christopher, Brimelow. Lebanon: Yesterday and Today. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1966.
Cobban, Helena. The Making of Modern Lebanon. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1985.
Khalaf, Shaban. Lebanon’s Predicament. New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.
Odeh, Bilal. Lebanon: The Dynamics of Conflict. London: Zed Press, 1984
Owen, Roger (ed.) Essays on the Crisis in Lebanon. London: Ithaca Press, 1976.
Saidi, Hassen. Economic Consequences of the War in Lebanon. Oxford, United Kingdom: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1986.
Seaver, Eric. ‘The regional sources of power-sharing failure: The case of Lebanon’, Political Science Quarterly, Vol.115, No. 2, 2000.
Ussama, Motal. Reconstructing the Nation-State: The Modernity of secularism in Lebanon, 2006.