Abstract
This paper discusses and explores the following; the meaning and background of nationalism as a political and cultural force in the nineteenth century particularly in Europe, and the relation of music to nationalism exploring the works of Bedrich Smetana s great Czech music composer.
Discussion
Nationalism is a philosophy that is social, religious, cultural, or political in which citizens believe their primary loyalty is to their country or state. The philosophy of nationalism became the most effective political and cultural force movement used to rally citizens in the nineteenth century. The sense of nationalism in the nineteenth century rose out of the liberal requirements such as basing legitimate states on the power of people. In the 18th century, legitimate nations or states were predominantly based on imperialism, dynasty, and church (Cowell-Meyer, 2002).. In the 19th century, liberal thinking was a regenerative force that was dominant all over Europe. The sense of nationalism also emerged as a result of Romantic exaltations of traditional feelings and identity in the nineteenth century. This was particular shown in the explosive force of the power of nationalism. For instance, nationalism phenomenon was able to raise the level of people’s knowledge having a common language, soil, culture, traditions, history, and a shared human experience to seek political unity around an identity of what or who makes up the nation was aroused and made militant during the French Revolution period (Zetterberg, 1997).
The 18th century experienced the beginning of the breakdown of society’s traditional loyalties to the church, and dynastic states or regions. This was particularly fueled by the French Revolution dogma which fashioned new loyalties that the supreme power of a nation rests with the people who are united in a common language, history, culture, tradition, and many other common aspects. Nationalism enabled people to develop the sense of pride, tradition and common purpose that came to characterize modern nationalism. However, nationalism as loyalty to one’s nation did not originate in the early 19th century. Ever since I memorial, men and women have been fighting, living, and dying for the sake of their respective nations or states. It was until the 19th century however, that these feelings and motivations changed and became far more intense and demanding than they had been. During this century, the focus of loyalty changed from dynastic self-interest to individual self interest as part of a greater collective consciousness (Baycroft, 2006).
In 1882, a great French historian Ernest Renan posed the question ‘what is a nation.’ A century later today, this question still awaits a satisfactory response. Baycroft (2006), Ernest wrote “A nation is the expression of great solidarity constituted for the common sacrifices that have been made and for those it is prepared to make again. In order of ideas I am placing before you, a nation has no more right than a king to say to a province: ‘you belong to me, therefore I am taking you,’ province for us is its inhabitants, and if anyone has the right to be consulted in this matter, it is the inhabitant. A nation never has a genuine interest in annexing or retaining a country against its will. The desire of nations to be together is the only real criterion that must always be taken into consideration. But what does not change on this earth? Nations are formed and are changed. At present the existence of nations happens to be good, even necessary.” Europe was central to the development of nationalism right from the era of the French Revolution of 1789 up to the period World War I broke out. During this period, territorial boundaries shifted, and the map of Europe was covered by a system of nation states, much of the world was divided up into nations or states empires. It is the same period when waves of social and political unrest erupted throughout the continent, and new political languages of nationalism were developed (Renan, 1996).
The concept of nationalism was first introduced into the French political system during the Revolution period. This was preceded by the concept of ‘public spirit’. The French used the concepts during the early days of the Revolution as a means of buttressing the legitimacy of the new political order by pointing to its philosophical radical underpinnings. This led to the declaration of the rights of man in 1789 which emphasized that ‘the principle of sovereignty resides essentially in a nation’. This declaration overturned the precept that used to be in place which rested sovereign authority in the monarch. Thus, it underscored the beginning of the radical different conception of the relationship between the state and the national community. Another dimension of nationalism sprung up after 1790 due to the events that occurred in France then. The new phenomenon of nationalism became an ideological instrument of state power which was deployed as a means of rallying mass support to the regime and attacking its enemies. This brand of nationalism was more aggressive and was expressed in the patriotic appeals to French national consciousness that was launched by the Jacobsen government during the revolutionary war. Finally, nationalism influenced European culture more subtly by making their creators aware of national identity and encouraging them to find a national voice. The authentic spirit of the nation was made manifest through folksongs, folk poetry, and folk dances. Third, nationalism influenced the relationship between the state and the artists by bridging the gap between them. In a way, nationalism made governments slowly but surely come to appreciate that culture is power (Zetterberg, 1997).
The spirit of nationalism became a major political influence when language and ethnicity emerged in the 19th century as a basis for nations or states. The national boundaries in European nations kept on changing due to ethnicity as a result of wars and political settlements. The political force of national is always accompanied by the sociological fact that belonging to a given community, with close relations to language, historical memories, traditions, and so on creates a strong social identity. Denying people their identity is a serious injustice comparable to denying them freedom of movement or even shelter. The European States of the 19th century, anxious to found their cultural identity, called upon the arts and the educational system. National Romanticism was promoted in the arts (Zetterberg, 1997).
Growing literature related to nationalism present the concept of a nation in two types. The first type presents a nation in terms of citizens associating freely. It also advocates for voluntary political formations. This presented the French idea of a nation which was realized by the Great Revolution. The second type presents the German description of a nation which presents it in terms of a historical community, common feelings and identity. This type of conceptualization provides a cultural and organic description of a nation which was developed by romanticism and adopted by the Reich. This sense of nationhood came about as a result of historical occurrence in the 1870s around the question of Alsace-Lorraine. It involved a disagreement between the French and the Germans about the integration of the Alsatians. The Germans insisted on the Alsatians to be integrated in the Reich arguing that their language and customs belonged to the German culture. The French on the other hand rejected the German form of integrating the Alsatian community in the Reich by defending the rights of the Alsatians to remain French if they politically decide to do so (Kohn, 1946).
Nationalism exerted extraordinary power during the nineteenth century due to the depth and variety of sources; first, it stemmed from the urge to find a secular alternative to religion. Two, stemmed from a general process of modernization which was by then dismantling the old landmarks and transforming particular communities into a single atomized society. Three, it arose from an awesome power unleashed by the French Revolution and its principle of national sovereignty. Last but not least, it stemmed from the reaction against the conquest and exploitation of the rest of Europe. Nationalism had impeccable influence on the creative artists in two important ways. On one hand it encouraged the creation of work with a nationalist message as exemplified in many of the early operas of Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1902). Secondly, nationalism influenced European culture in a more subtle way by making their creators aware of national identity and encouraging them to find a national voice. The authentic spirit of the nation was made manifest through folksongs, folk poetry, and folk dances. Third, nationalism influenced the relationship between the state and the artists by bridging the gap between them. In a way, nationalism made governments to slowly but surely come to appreciate that culture is power. Last but not least, it influenced the states to realize that in a secularized age of national symbols and cultural institutions were required to bind the state and society. Hence, these led to the proliferation of museums, academies, galleries, festivals, public memorials, and so on (Hachey, 1989).
A great number of music composers get to be remembered at the expense of others. A good number of them have gained international acclaim due to their universal individual compositions. However, it is not an easy task to make an overall judgment on the perception of specific music. Carl Dahlhaus in his write-ups explores “the relationship between analytical procedures and aesthetic judgments, arguing that personal taste contributes to personal perception in music (Dahlhaus, 1998). In this process, the music that is viewed as valuable is accepted unconditionally into the canon. The canon is defined by Kerman Joseph as “an enduring, exemplary collection of books, buildings and paintings authorized in some way for contemplation, admiration, interpretation, and determination of value” (Taruskin, 2007). Taruskin Richard is another renowned musicologist to provide an input in the understanding of the anachronistic nature of nationalism. He developed this notion further by proposing that it should be seen as “a case of tourist appeal or mere passport profiling” given that the views of a composer is often regarded as a stereotype (Taruskin, 2007). Toye Francis and Sydney Grew went further and alleged that there is a contradiction that exists between nationalism and music reasoning that composers are not in a position to reflect upon the entire country (Toye, 1918). Boyd Shafer explored its characteristics of segregation when he stated that “nationalism is the major sentiment that unites and separates people” (Shafer, 1976).
A music composer can achieve international recognition in a number ways, for instance, repeated performances carried out by a composer ensures that a composition is included into the repertoire. However, to include a composition in the repertoire does not guarantee it a place in the canon. Taruskin, (2007). differentiates the terms repertoire and canon with a claim that “repertoires are determined by performers and canons by critics,” Compositions that are included are considered exemplary and is regarded as exemplary and becomes a model to be compared to others. For any music composition to appear to be nationalistic, musicologists expect composers to conform their nation’s stereotypes or identities. Consequently, many music composers have been recognized as nationalists. Nevertheless, as Dahlhaus asserted in 1989, “nationalism is merely in the frame of mind, not reality (Dahlhaus, 1983).
Bedrich Smetana is the first composer to be considered to write music with the Czech national appeal. In the nineteenth century, most Czech music composers spoke a national struggle that they felt was far from being won. Bedrich Smetana (1824-84) was the first composer in that nation to express national consciousness of Bohemia, seeking for freedom from oppression of the Austrian Empire. He articulated this through his memorable number “prison house of nations”. The Most important to note, is the fact that Smetana lived and worked at home serving his own country throughout his musical life. He was the son of a brewer who turned to music for a career despite resentment from his father who equated music profession as the worst paid of all careers. Smetana’s service to the nation was exemplary. First, he started a music school in the Prague where he taught and encouraged Czech artists. His first attempt to foster Czech music did not take of well because of the reactionary atmosphere that prevailed in the country at that time when the democratic movements were being crushed in 1848. Countries such as France, German, Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia had taken fire. However, were shot through with racialism. Looking at the middle class revolutionary movements in Austria and Germany during that period, even in the short period they had hopes for parliamentary government, did not consider freedom of people as interest to them. During that same period the Russian empire was bidding for the allegiance of all Slav people. The Hungarians were willing to be used in the military force to fight Italians and Slavs in order to attain its freedom.
In the Czech (Bohemia), the independent movements were crippled by the presence of a large population of Germans. The Czechs found rule by Austrians preferable to than threatened by arising, autocratic and unified Germany. The Austrian empire was able to tighten its political and cultural hold upon the Czech by constantly making adroit reference of these racialism and antagonism. However, victories by the Italian independence movement in 1859 frightened the Austrians which allowed the Bohemians a limited parliamentary representation. This emboldened more agitations. Hungary demanded and was accorded a relatively independent status, as part of “a dual monarchy”. In this arrangement, the Hungarian ruling elite landed aristocracy while the peasants continued to live in abject poverty. The reins of Austria in Bohemia loosened at the same time. This relaxation allowed a few determined intellectuals like Smetana to create great Czech national music movement (Shafer, 1976).
Smetana left Czech briefly in 1856 for Sweden to teach music. He was able to win great eminence in this country. However, he was forced to return back in the 1860s due to the liberal atmosphere during that period. Once he returned home, Smetana became an impassioned fighter for the Czech national musical art, as a conductor, journalist, teacher, and artistic director of the Prague opera. Smetana produced a series of great national artistic work including; The Brandenburg in Bohemia (1863), The Battered Bride (1863-6), Dalibor (1866), Libusi (1872), The two Widows (1874), The Kiss (1876); the great cycle of six poems collectively entitled “My Country” (1874). The six tone poems of ma Vlast always appeared as a unit. Not only do the musical motifs reappear from one work to the next, but the entire cycle becomes a composite ‘picture of what is meant by the cultural heritage of the country linking the past, present, and hoping for the future’. Musically speaking, the cycle indicates the critical integration of the Czech genres of the medieval and ancient past, with those of the present. All these compositions by Smetana were imbued with the sense of patriotic feelings, free from any racialism or national chauvinism, and were based on the tender affection of the people (Saffle, 1993).
These works earned Smetana great affection among the people of Czech. Equally, it won him hostility and criticism in similar measure. Among the groups that rued Smetana’s boldness in his works were the Czechs landed aristocrats, Bohemian German population, narrow Czech nationalists, and the Austrian Empire. The Czech aristocrats were lukewarm in their desire for freedom of Bohemia. They hated seeing its peasants who were serfs with no rights. For instance, this is reflected when his only completed symphony was rejected by the imperial court not to be performed during the coronation of coronation of Franz Joseph as king of Bohemia. The German population in Bohemia played a dominant role in the cultural life of the nation. They attached any music that was Czech conscious as provisional. Narrow Czech nationalists on the other hand saw no reason for learning anything from abroad. Quite often, they accused Smetana of ‘Wagnerism’ whenever he used the repetition of music to portray the psychology of humans. The Bohemian critics were particularly critical of him because while he was in Gutenberg, Sweden and Weimar, Germany, Smetana allied with himself with Franz Liszt (Saffle, 1993). This according to critics amounted to having Wagnerian leanings. The imperial Austrian authorities restricted Smetana’s works from being heard in Vienna. For instance, “The Bartered Bride” Smetana’s only symphony, and his cyclic series of poems called, Ma Vlast (My country) were not performed in Vienna until his death. However, the six symphonic poems were performed not as a cycle, but only separately in concerts in Vienna upon the death of Smetana. In contrast however, Ma vlast is traditionally Czech work and was recognized both within and without Smetana’s homeland. Around this opposition, Smetana stood his ground not allowing himself to be compromised. He stood firm even at a time when making a living was difficult for there was little money in the Prague as compared to what accomplished composers would earn abroad. Smetana is remembered and will be remembered for helping Czech artists form a union which still exists to date in 1863. Smetana’s works played a central in agitation for the Czech autonomy which took place in 1868 (Brown, 2002).
Smetana was afflicted by deafness in 1874 and was forced to withdraw from public life. In the later period of the century, he suffered cerebral disease and died in a sanitarium. Even after suffering deafness, Smetana was not done. It was during this time that he composed Vltara (‘The River Moldan’) with its radiant melodies which were addictively lovely. He also composed the opera ‘The Kiss’ when he was deaf. This opera was presented with sweetness and tenderness and gentle humor. In summery, Bedrich Smetana’s symphonic cyclic works portray him as a true Czech nationalist. This is indicated in his early symphony dedicated to the Bohemian king Franz Joseph and the series of poems portraying the landscapes, the history of the Czech people living under oppression in their own nation, and mythologies. Bedrich’s Smetana’s symphony was also a culmination of a series of works that expressed the possibilities of hopes for a new relationship between the Czech people and the imperialists. To show his patriotism and nationalism, Smetana composed several songs immediately after the revolution of 1848. He composed the songs titled; Song of Freedom, and Hymns of praise to the king of Bohemia emperor Franz Joseph (Brown, 2002).
References
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