The Women Question in Egypt: Is This the Norm? Essay

Introduction

Women in Egypt have always been regarded as equal to men; however, the only exception in this rule was the institution of marriage. Marital status has always been regarded as something close to women’s curse in Egypt, as it was equal to slavery. Women were expected to prevent and avoid any contacts with men who were not in close relations with them, and women have been always obliged to veil themselves in public. Such strict rules are regarded to be essential and unshakeable for the Arab society. Originally, such representation of the roles of men and women do not coincide with Western values of sexual equality and parity in marriage and in social life. Most women were obliged to accept these rules and obey them, nevertheless, some prominent women did not wish to be slaves in their own homes, and fought for the rights of women in the Middle East region, as women, according to them, should have the right to vote, to work, to get education, to be women, at least.

Historical Background and the Role of Women in Egyptian History

It has been already stated that all through the Muslim history of Egypt the attitude towards women could not be regarded as equal. Females were raised independently from their fathers and older brothers. Marriage meant strict subordination and absence of security for the personal life and sometimes even for health and life of women. The description of marriage issues can be seen through the work of Badran, where the dependency of women on their husbands in making the decisions, resulted in the expectancy to bear at least two sons. (“Opening the Gates” 204) Nevertheless, the omission of women rights in making the decisions can be seen compensated, through women gaining control when their sons settle down in married life, as they acquire control over the families of her sons.

The fact is that, few women dared or had a chance to rule the Egyptian society; nevertheless, women were allowed to participate in merchant and economic activity. Some of them were permitted to become priestesses, as religious representations in Egypt were not as canonic as in other Muslim countries.

Still, lots of restrictions were imposed. Women had to veil themselves, and gender segregation was essential. Public schools, working places and even recreation areas were segregated. Moreover, some low-class families did not permit their daughters to get a school education for minimizing contacts with males. The men from lower classes, in their turn, preferred getting married with women who did not have an education at all. Women, who attended secondary schools, were not popular as well as women who aimed to work.

The fact is that, the situation started changing in the end of 18^th century, when western countries, i.e. France and England, started contacting with Egypt. In that regard, the territory of Egypt was the wished territory for most superpowers of that period. The invasion of Egypt by Napoleon in 1778 played an essential role for the Egyptian society (“Opening the Gates” 187). Originally, the social structure was subjected to essential changes due to the influence of the western society. Such influence was regarded as the cause of a “rapid flow of European ideas into Egypt including the ideology of the French Revolution”. Since Western countries got an access to the Oriental civilization, the essential changes took place in Egyptian society. Women achieved an opportunity to estimate the Western values of the beauty and freedom, which European women enjoyed. Parity and equality attracted them essentially; nevertheless, few dared to resist the system and traditions. It was only since 1970’s that, the situation in Egypt started changing, and all the efforts by feminists had their results. (Sullivan and Abed-Kotob 134) These results were observed in the employment sphere, as an essential amount of female population made their choice, and joined the non-agricultural workforce, which was regarded almost nonsensical. The amount of working women doubled, and in accordance with the estimations, this amount totaled in 1 million of workers. Women selected the sphere of education, medicine, engineering, etc. On the other hand, most of these positions were low-paid. Women no longer wanted to stay enslaved in their marriages, and the position of the creatures, prohibited from social contacts had no longer satisfied them. Thus, women wished to overcome all the oppression of the outdated traditions and become free and liberated of all the possible prejudices. However, previously to these processes in the society with strong traditions, outdated women had to contribute their lives and careers in order to struggle for women’s rights and social position.

Prominent Figures and Their Works

Qasim Amin

First, it should be stated that women in Egyptian history appeared to be rather courageous in achieving their own goals. Thus, the name of Qasim Amin (1865 – 1908) is closely linked with the matters of women’s emancipation in Egypt and in Arab world in general, especially in the beginning of the 20^th century. He became one of those few who dared to accept that women intellectual development is a necessity. In 1885, he graduated the University of Law in France and returned to Egypt. There he started the career of a judge, and then initiated and participated in the foundation of Cairo University. As for the matters of relations between men and women, he stated that this had been shocking him deeply for the whole life. In his book “The liberation of Women and the New Moman”, Qasim Amin provided several examples of such relations between men and women, which were shocking the western society, yet common for the Arab world in general. Such examples include not greeting women by hand, not sitting with them and eating separately. (48) In that regard, Amin emphasizes that such relations are not merely due to customs, rather due to a perception of women as slaves and prisoners, where men count it “most glorious achievements when it can be said that the woman never left her house except to be carried to her tomb!”(48)

Amin could not bear such an injustice, especially as a man who had already seen the European freedoms and social values. It was undoubted by him, that a behavior, when a man treats his wife as a property, and the inclination to imprison his wife at home, contradicts the natural right of women and every human on the planet for freedom.

On the other hand, as Amin emphasized, Arab men could not be valued equally with the men of Western society. Egyptian men did not have an opportunity to choose their wives, and often, these were the blind marriages, as his and her parents just dealt to marry their children. Nevertheless, a man had an opportunity to divorce (women did not have such right, and did not have a right to escape), and have up to four wives. This was the real slavery, and no way to escape it, or struggle, as the whole system resisted any changes in these customs. Describing the fate of the uneducated woman, Amin stated:

The woman who is forbidden to educate herself save in the duties of the servant, or is limited in her educational pursuits is indeed a slave, because her natural instincts and God-given talents are subordinated in deference to her condition, which is tantamount to moral enslavement.(395)

Amin wished to attract the attention of the whole world towards this problem, and claimed that woman should not be veiled physically, morally and mentally. Woman is a woman, but not a faceless, brainless and soulless spirit, which is in a man’s possession. It can be seen that being a man in a mostly patriarchal society, Qasem Amin not only brought the attention to the problems of women in Egyptian society, he also drew the line that connects the role of education in women’s life and accordingly in the life of the society.

Surely, all the efforts could not reach their goals, as the traditions of the society were rather strong, and a single resistant and fighter could not achieve victory. Nevertheless, the first battle had been won, and the cry from the heart of a dissatisfied woman was heard.

Huda Shaarawi

Huda Shaarawi was another activist, who did not wish to accept the awful disparity of men and women. She headed the next period of Egyptian feminist movement, and symbolized the resistance against patriarchal principles in the community. Although it was rather difficult to resist against the system, the previous efforts already had their shy results. Huda Shaarawi lived seven years parted from her husband and her life was full of concerns, while she lived in a private box at the Khedival Opera House. It is often stated in historical researches that the central impulse to her activity she acquired during her vacations to Alexandria. During these trips she had an opportunity to contact with numerous well-educated women (mostly European), who inspired her to look for changes and other way of life. The obvious freedoms and liberty of those women only increased the discontent of Huda Shaarawi, while these freedoms often frightened most of the women in Egypt. Surely, they wished to be as free as European women were; however, they did not dare to make a single step towards this freedom.

The communication with Eugénie le Brun, a Frenchwoman, who had Egyptian husband, appeared to be an important event in her life, and had an essential impact for Shaarawi’s feminist activity. Le Brun was the author of several books, where she raised the questions of social customs in different countries, and in Egypt in particular. In 1890s she run a salon for women at her home, thus, she had an excellent opportunity to study the moods and considerations of Egyptian women at that period. Shaarawi also attended her salon rater often, and took part in various debates, aimed at discussing social practices, including veiling. Le Brun was one of the few western representatives, who regarded veiling as an advancement of women. It is stated that this revelation would later play a role in her public unveiling.

In certain period of life, Shaarawi devoted her time to take care of her daughter Bathna, which can be considered as the time when she gave away to the pressure of the family and reconciled with her husband. In her book “Harem Years”, Shaarawi described these events, where her daughter was literally on “the cusp of death” (218).

This was the period, when Huda Shaarawi had no time to resist the cultural and social traditions, and she was rather close to quit this resistance, as health of her child was much more important to her. Nevertheless, when Bathna recovered, Huda acquired new forces, and started socializing again. Another acquaintance, which played a significant role in forming Huda Shaarawi as a feministic leader was Marguerite Clement, who was a public lecturer, and was travelling along Middle East. She described her travels and public-speaking engagements to Shaarawi, so, they both decided that Clement should offer a lecture to Egyptian women. These lectures can be seen as having a significant impact on the social norms in the society, drawing a fair crowd and becoming a regular Friday event. It was uncommon for the women to gather in public places, specifically in Friday, the day of the Friday prayer, where men gather to hear a lecture in the mosque. Thus, the impact of such event can be seen in having a similar event as men, where the success of such lectures inspired the formation of Intellectual Association of Egyptian Women in 1914, which worked to improve women’s intellectual and social lives. (63)

Originally, this may be regarded an important breakthrough in the process of social transformation, as from this moment women could rely on official body, which was aimed at defending women’s interests. The efforts of the feminist movements were supported and empowered with the empowering nationalist movement. The fact is that, this movement forced Egyptian men and women to work altogether for some time. Shaarawi regarded this period as one of the greatest periods in her life and in the history of Egypt, when men and women collaborated. This process was one of the reasons of appearing of the first political body called the Wafdist Women’s Central Committee, which was headed by Shaarawi.

Egyptian women started acting more actively, and, in distinction with feministic movements in other countries, women in Egypt did not wish to confront their men and husbands, however, they united to get united against the common problem, and thus, gain the respect of Egyptian men. Their intention was to originate an economic boycott against Britain: the main decision was to refuse from purchasing British goods, and stop using the services of British banks. These actions helped women to gain trust and respect from the side of male population. In “Harem Years”, Shaarawi described such events; pointing to that women’s influence on economic decisions was stemmed from the fact that, originally, they had the control over the daily shopping. Additionally, the support of Islamic laws to the ability of women to inherit money and property, gave the words of women some impact, which was rapidly spread through friends and acquaintances (471). Later, the Wafd referred to women’s boycott as “one of the most powerful weapons” in the fight for their nation’s independence” (471).

The first assault position was overcome, and women took a breath of the air of liberties. This period of Egyptian feminist movement is featured with the increased activity of those women who really wished to get liberated from the slavery of marriage, and gain the freedom to be women. Western values, related to social life and relations between men and women became extensively spread in Egypt, however, the total implementation of these values still stayed unreachable.

Nawal El Saadawi

Nawal El Saadawi picked up the baton after Huda Shaarawi in feminist movement of Egypt. Her book “Walking through Fire” is the story of the first Arab woman, who devoted her life to studying and writing on the matters of sex along with its relation to economics and politics. The book is generally aimed at describing her extraordinary life spent in resistance, and revealing the issues of her passion for justice, which was the main engine of her life and writings. Some facts of her biography explain much on the issues of her resistance and the wish to lead the feminist movement in Egypt. Originally, the reason was common ‑ rebellious spirit and the possibility to know the values of Western world.

She was born in the small village, on the suburbs of Cairo, named Kafr Tahla. The family was large enough, and Nawal El Saadawi had eight brothers and sisters. The family was regarded as a traditional one, and the head of the family – her father, supported the conservative Islamic ideas as for the role of women in the world and in the life. Nevertheless, he insisted that his children got an education. Her mother is often described as a revolutionary woman with progressive views and ideas ‑ as it is stated in the foreword to El Saadawi’s book (8). In spite of all the constraints imposed by religious and colonial tyranny on all women who originated not from Cairo, El Saadawi graduated the University of Cairo in 1955 and got a degree in psychiatry. Later, after graduating the university, she became practicing psychiatry and consequently advanced to become Egypt’s Director of Public Health. Working in the Ministry of Health, she met her husband Sherif Hetata, who also supported the opinion that women should play more essential role for the Egyptian society, and was the follower of left wing opposing party. This fact became the key reason of his imprisonment for 13 years. Her biographers now regard this imprisonment as the staring impulse for her writing books.

For the first time, her books were regarded as the controversial literature, which may be potentially dangerous for the society, and were banned in Egypt and the most states of the Arab world. Nevertheless, she found the solution, and published her books in Lebanon. These writings will later cause her imprisonment, as they really threatened the moral and religious structure of the society. In spite of the previous achievements by Egyptian feminists, women in Arab world could not be regarded as free. Such notions of freedom was emphasized in “Walking through Fire”, where the protagonist reflected on the freedom as an illusion, specifically in the non-industrialized world. Although an illusion, she later adds that she do want freedom for the people, and the ability to be “‘independent and to govern themselves” (429).

By stating this, she appears to be even more categorical and ambitious than her predecessors. She claims not only for the freedom of women, but also for the freedom of all the people from any government or ruling upwards, as, people are mature enough and independent enough to rule their lives themselves. She claimed that she hated all the governments, as there is absolutely no alternative in these issues, independently whether we are talking about East, West North or South. She will then write, “I govern myself I don‘t need somebody to govern me, either in the state or at home” (65).

Surely, such representations and views could not be supported by official government, and feministic views by Qasim Amin or Huda Shaarawi seemed harmless, in comparison with such an extreme views and claim to anarchy.

The women question in Egypt was not raised seriously at that period. On the one hand, it is stipulated by the fact, that there were no leaders who would promote the freedom for women, and proclaim the claims for liberty and feminism. Nawal believed that the main problem of contemporary society was the fact that people do not wish to refuse from the traditional governments, and they like to be ruled. She claims that non-governmental bodies are developing, and, in spite of the fact that governments are aiming to dominate these bodies, non-governmental organizations are becoming increasingly independent. Thus, it is claimed that women should fight for their rights by the mean of non-governmental organizations and never touch politics and official government. Nawal El Saadawi claims that it is the only way to unveil human minds, as the main task of any government is to control the brains of all the people and periodically brainwash people by the means of media. From this point of view, she claims that women should also act by the means of media, and claim for their freedoms, resorting to the means, which are used by official governments in reaching the necessary goals.

El Saadawi connected the issue of domination of men in the society to its historical connection to slavery. In that sense, the only difference can be seen that the heritage of such historical connection is reflect through the media and education, where the domination turned from economic and military to mental. Thus, El Saadawi referred to such problem through the questions she asked in her book, “How people can get rid of this invasion to their brains by the media and by education in universities? (“Walking Through Fire” 211).

Considering this statement, there is strong necessity to mention that there seems to be a certain contradiction in her considerations, touching upon the matters of the women question in Egypt and the matters of political regulation of the society. As it seems rather evident from the life story of this prominent person, she managed to escape from village life, and graduated a university. The process, which she regarded as a damaging tendency, has helped her to get to know the essence of the world, as she had increased her outlook, and coped to become a person she is. This provided her with an opportunity to express her ideas, in more than language. She recognizes this ambiguity but states that, “I had to study medicine to get rid of it. I have to know politics in order to challenge politics”.

As for the matters of profession, and the necessity of gaining some profession for women, it is necessary to emphasize that Nawal does not have some strong position on this issue. She herself had to go to school and to university. After she had graduated the university, she started to challenge her profession and grow as the professional in psychiatry and medicine. From this moment she realized that all the professions are commercial in the worst meaning of this word, thus, she hesitates, whether women should acquire some professions. “Professions exploit people” she claimed, nevertheless, she also stated that “I could not have known that if I had not studied medicine”. She argues that there is a lot of silence about these abuses, stating that psychological interventions do not differ from physical abuses, and can be even more damaging being invisible; “The psychological assaults of the educational and welfare professional are forms of invisible oppression or psychological circumcision”(24).

Nawal El Saadawi claims that people will inevitably become mature and liberated of any ruling from the upwards. An extent of governmental exploit, that is reconciled by its professional agents, that is importunate, stops and aggravates this maturation.

Leila Ahmed

Among all the regarded in this paper personalities, Leila Ahmed may be regarded as the most cosmopolitan person of all the activists of feminist movement. Originally, she was grown up within several different cultures, Syrian, Lebanese, Palestinian, and surely Egyptian. She considered quite normal to speak English or French, end did not mind to be called Lily in school. At the moment she lives in Cairo – at the crossroads of several cultures. Her father is a highly appreciated specialist in engineering, and he is a chairman of the Nile Water Control Board. In these circumstances, she could not address the burning issues of traditional Muslim society, as her values do not fully coincide with Eastern values, and she has a solid platform for active participation in social life in Cairo.

In her book “A Border Passage”, Leila Ahmed addresses all the confronting and paradoxical issues of the Egyptian society. As a young child, Ahmed had an opportunity to observe the British Colonial presence in Egypt, and was able to estimate the western social values. As for the women question in Egypt, she aims to represent this from the point of view of her own life, how she regarded the values of society in relation with historical backgrounds of Egyptian society and the innovative tendencies which came from West. In that regard, in her book, Leila Ahmed outlined the basic traditions of the Islamic society and women through the division of the two strands of Islam, which often contradict each other. (“A Border Passage” 69) On the one hand there is the oral tradition, which can be associated with women, taking the consideration that, in Islam prophet’s wives had an impact on Islam in general, passing many of the prophet’s sayings. Leila immersed in such tradition when she was a young child at her grandmother’s house in Cairo, and through which there were more possibilities and a humane approach toward the world. On the other hand, the written tradition can be characterized by rigid and authoritarian attributes, which as stated in the book, was associated with the rise of fundamentalism. (69)

Taking this notion into consideration, it should be stated that she regarded Islamic fundamentalism as the key obstacle towards the equality of men and women. Moreover, sometimes this becomes the political issue, thus, she claims that politics and social life should be split up, as Islam and Muslim traditions often become the tools in the hands of religious demagogues and political fundamentalists. Thus, she points out the notion that the original Islamic doctrine was developing in the circumstances of androcentric, misogynist society. She claims that this society put an essential emphasis on the institutionalization of the gendered hierarchical structure of the society, and aimed to put these norms into the principles of equity and justice. She also emphasizes that slam became a “discourse of the politically dominant elite, i.e.; male society” (Ahmed, 374). Leila mentions such groups as Sufi and Qarmatians groups, philosophers such as Ibn al-Arabi, along with many powerful families, which thoughts and influence was considered as a counterbalance to establishment Islam, in issues such as marriage and education (374).

Nevertheless, in spite of the essential resistance from the side of official powers, the resistance of Islam could not be regarded as a serious obstacle, as it has lowered its opposition towards female movements in comparison with the colonial period of the 19^th century. In the light of this fact, there is strong necessity to mention that the European colonialism, and its harm was closely associated with economic remit of Egypt. However, on the other hand Leila Ahmed emphasizes, that this was the period, when women emancipation could be used effectively as a strong reason for legitimate geopolitical incursion. Colonial feminism, according to Ahmed, was an instance of discourse of dominance, which was mainly aimed at introducing the notion that a fundamental junction is observed between the matters of culture and status of women, as well as attitude towards women, and that progress could be achieved only through accepting new culture and the innovative way of thinking.

Thus, basing on general and well-known traditional representations on the foundations of Islam, and considerations on the emancipation issues, Leila Ahmed claimed that Islamic texts and religious institutions should be comprehensively split up from patriarchal culture and reappraised in terms of merit, and listening to the matters of equality and justice (Ahmed, 309). Thus, she concludes that no feminists, both Muslim and Western should stop, and there is strong necessity for them to get united. They should challenge the diverse religious and cultural heritage, which prevents women from being free.

Margot Badran

Margot Badran is another feminist activist of nowadays. She is known and highly estimated as a historian and specialist of gender studies, where the main factor of her research is the women question in Islamic countries. In “Opening the Gates”, Badran pointed out to that gender equality was not a radical issue to Islam, where Quran in as far back as the 7^th century introduced it to patriarchal Arabia. (49) In that regard, Islamic feminism’s main aims can be seen in restoring such principles, to which the patriarchal thought, institutions, and behaviors remained largely resistant since that time.

As a historian and gender researcher, she claims that the reasons of Islamic feminism are covered in the religious foundations and Quran texts, as Quran and its primaries are strict enough as for the everyday behavior, restricting women from leading active social life, and participating in politics and all science.

Originally, her researches represent the deeply modified point of view. If previous generations of feminists claimed that women should struggle for their rights, resist Islamic fundamentalism, overcome the consequences of religious prejudice towards women etc, Margot Badran claims that feminists in Arabic world should be Muslims, however she also emphasizes that particular discourse will be required. This discourse entails several stands, such as nationalism (independently of its national origin), Islam, Human rights and democracy. These concepts and factors are especially meaningful to Badran, as Islamic Feminism should be grounded in Islamic discourse. Badran takes a notion of such factors in her research, where she states that choosing a certain discourse fighting for a certain right is not necessarily connected to a religious belief, rather to the idea itself. In that regard, Badran mentions a historical example, in which Muslim and Christians fought for expanded educational rights, during the colonial periods. Each of the parties used their approaches for the same goal, nationalistic approaches by Christians, Islamic arguments by Muslim feminists accordingly. (329)

Thus, when Islamic feminists started their active resistance, and the feministic campaigns appeared to be increasingly powerful, all the arguments were based on Islamic principles, and the reasons for making shariah law more progressive were Quran-based. The contemporary Islamic feminism differs from the initial feministic movements essentially, as it incorporates the Western values of social freedoms and the principles of Islam, which were not taken into consideration by Qasim Amin, Huda Shaarawi and Nawal El Saadawi.

Feminists of the Arab world pursue two core tasks: eradicate any patriarchal initiatives and practices, which are common for Islam and recuperate one of the central Islamic ideas on the matters of gender parity, which is originally the matter of human equality.

Thus, Margot Badran claims that enemies inside and outside the Islamic world should be struggled, as initially, the reasons of disparity are also covered within women themselves: from within these are the men who are afraid to lose their patriarchal privileges and women are afraid to lose their patriarchal protection. The outer enemies are those who regard Islam as the anti-women religion, and who finds pleasure in anti-Islamic propaganda.

Suha Sabbagh

In comparison with Margot Badran, Suha Sabbagh has dedicated her activity to feministic studies, and arranged lectures for various groups and audiences, aiming to reach both academic and popular audiences of the Arab world. Her fundamental research “Arab Women” is aimed at describing her activity in the sphere of Islamic Feminism (Suha Sabbagh is one of the followers of the concept introduced by Margot Badran), and one of the key factors of this activity is the participation in Middle East Studies Association (MESA). In this association she is often involved into various debates, concerning the role of Arab Women and their place in social life along with men. Because of these considerations, Suha Sabbagh is generally regarded as a woman, whose ideas are based on severe reality of Egyptian and Arab feminists, and who is committed to the realization of those ideas for they could serve men and women of the whole Arab world. This may be confirmed by the abstract from her book, where she states that, the foundation of the Institute of Arab Women’s Studies (IAWS) was connected to such factors as the changes in the lives of Palestinian women, and the growing concern of Western perception of Arab women. (“Arab Women” 83)

It is regarded as the “natural direction to take.” The IAWS was born in 1989 when 15 women got together for a one-day workshop to make available publications on Palestinian women and “instigate a discussion that makes sense, ” as well as an “unlearning process.”

Originally, Sabbagh’s participation in IAWS was aimed at researching the role of women, and studying women during the period of intifada (Palestinian resistance movement). Sabbagh herself describes IAWS in general, and her activity in this Institute as a matter of hindsight, as this organization is outdated, and will be no longer able to promote the ideas of feminism in the Arab world. It should have been founded much earlier for being really useful.

Conclusion

The role of women in Egypt and the women question in the context of Arab nationalism is the matter of deep researches and fundamental social studies by numerous authors. Originally, the feministic thought in Egypt had its origin in colonialist past of Egypt, when some women had an opportunity to compare the Eastern and Western values of social life and estimate the attitude towards women in Europe. All the authors and researches, which were regarded in this paper (Qasim Amin, Huda Shaarawi, Nawal El Saadawi, Leila Ahmed, Margot Badran, and Suha Sabbagh), represent the evolution of the feministic though through the history. Thus, if Qasim Amin expressed his dissatisfaction in literature, Margot Badran and Suha Sabbagh participated in social, academic and even political life of Arab society and had an opportunity to express their ideas of Islamic feminism openly. Nawal El Saadawi, in her turn, was pursued for her close to extremism views, and was subjected to imprisonment for several times for agitation to anarchy.

Women were oppressed in the world rather than only in the Arab or Egyptian society. In that regard, the role of the figures mentioned in this paper, as well as their literary contribution should be measured in the context of their impact on the global scene of feminism. Each of the figures mentioned transferred the thoughts and the experience of a whole period, where the position of women was slowly but gradually changing from a woman whose destiny was to only to bear males and serve her husband to a woman who can issue a boycott, fight for her rights and freely express her opinion.

In spite of the fact that Muslim society is not fully opened towards accepting Western social values, the issues of people equality were stated in Quran, and feminists have achieved their goal for confirming gender equality through the thesis of people equality.

References

1. Ahmed, L. A Border Passage: From Cairo to America ‑ A Woman’s Journey. Penguin, 2000
2. Amin, Q. The Liberation of Women and the New Woman: Two Documents in the History of Egyptian Feminism. American University in Cairo Press, 2000
3. Badran M. Opening the Gates: An Anthology of Arab Feminist Writing. Indiana University Press; Second Edition edition. 2004
4. Badran, M. Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995.
5. Saadawi, N. Walking Through Fire: A Life of Nawal El Saadawi. Zed Books, 2002
6. Sabbagh, S. Arab Women: Between Defiance and Restraint. Olive Branch Press. 1998
7. Shaarawi, H. Harem Years: The Memoirs of an Egyptian Feminist, 1879-1924. The Feminist Press at CUNY. 1993
8. Sullivan, D. J., and Sana Abed-Kotob. Islam in Contemporary Egypt: Civil Society vs. the State. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999.