Thoreau’s Distrustful and Discrediting Perception of Governments
Concept of Resistance
Studying the specific approach and deep skepticism of the theory towards the mere idea of governing bodies and their actions is extremely important for understanding the criticism of the state machine in the mid-nineteenth century. A particular example is the author’s work on the struggle against civil government, which, in general, presents the author’s view of paralleling this part of society with a “wooden gun” pointed against the people (The Higher Law 63). The corresponding metaphor may reflect the belief that the structure, intended to serve citizens’ interests, has deviated from its purpose and prioritized the implementation and exploitation of repressive mechanisms.
In doing so, special mention can be made of the ruling parties that have often violated the conscience and rights of individuals, guided by the decisions and opinions of the majority. In the same context, the conclusion of facing the choice between imprisoning just people and eradicating slavery is noticeable when the first point is prioritized, which demonstrates skewed priorities and disregard for ethical considerations. “The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the ‘means’ are increased.” (The Higher Law 79). Accordingly, in this case, one can emphasize the author’s belief in the inappropriate existence of government, which is rather a tool for perpetuating unjust practices and opposing society.
Thoreau’s notion of resistance was linked to his distrustful, dismissive view of the government. For any man, the ruling party should have been expedient, but for the Americans, it turned into a “wooden gun to the people themselves” (The Higher Law 63). The reason was that majorities governed minorities, violating the conscience that every man’s rights should have been respected: “ambassador, who will devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the Council Chamber…” (The Higher Law 79). Indeed, if the leaders had to decide between imprisoning all just men and eliminating slavery, they would have voted in favor of the first option.
The State systematically fostered violence and shed innocent blood, as it had only physical strength but no honesty and equity, forcing others to become powerless and obedient. In other words, “it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight” (The Higher Law 82). Thoreau admitted that the government failed to fulfill its responsibilities, leaving the nation without a voice.
Civil Government
In the context of paying more attention to the justification of the untrustworthy position, examples of criticism of existing tendencies to promote violence, as outlined above, can be cited. It can be observed in Civil Government, which highlights the leading role of physical force in the absence of truthfulness, forcing submission and preventing the adequate existence of oppositional forces. “When I meet a government which says to me, ‘Your money or your life,’ why should I be in haste to give it my money?”(The Higher Law 81).
In other words, governmentality did not achieve the goals for which it was created. It moved further and further away from them, which may indicate a profound disillusionment with these structures’ capacity to govern justly. Moreover, this mistrust clearly becomes a fundamental element in the overall concept of resistance because it draws people’s attention to the deviation from the desired direction. At the same time, it is worth critically recognizing that, in some cases, the demonization of power can be excessive, prompting reflection on manifestations of personal dislike or subjectivity. Nevertheless, this does not make the ideas in question any less interesting or historically significant.
A Plea for Captain John Brown
Individual evidence of expressions of distrust can also be found in other works by Thoreau. Particularly notable is A Plea for Captain John Brown, in which extreme action against injustice and racial or ethnic humiliation and enslavement is welcomed. Moreover, all the events described are fully endorsed, and Brown is presented as a model of genuine resistance in society.
Moreover, the sheer fact of defying the existing order and encouraging people to refuse to accept pressure passively is emphasized through the sanity concept: “Ask the tyrant who is his most dangerous foe, the sane man or the insane?” (The Higher Law 116). Thus, the historical reference inherently shades Thoreau’s conviction that the essence of governments at the time of consideration was no longer about justice, and every action of theirs required opposition to correct and set the course. Accordingly, the idea of a negative attitude towards established authority becomes a solid basis for the continuation of the concept of resistance.
The underlying goal behind antagonism is to create an administration that is better for all. Unlike non-government men, Thoreau supported the idea of the State and its authority as he envisioned America flourishing and growing. The only hope he developed about the State was that it should be just to all men, stepping forward from democracy to recognize and promote human rights (The Higher Law 90).
A Plea for Captain John Brown (The Higher Law 111) is his piece of writing in which he defended the case of Brown, who was acting radically against slavery: “We can at least express our sympathy with, and admiration of, him and his companions”. For him, Brown represented the example of resistance against racial oppression or the sign that people stopped pretending to be timid chattels: “gave his life to the cause of the oppressed” (The Higher Law 115). This historical fact justified their readiness to change the social order by demonstrating resistance against the parties.
Summary
The points in all three analyzed texts overlap and repeat each other, allowing us to form a complete understanding of Thoreau’s position. The following section of conscience has direct relevance to other themes, for example, the understanding of activity (The Higher Law 114) and the desire to achieve a full and fair interaction between the people and the governing groups. However, in each of these, one can see the extrapolation of one’s own subjective opinion to general themes, which is not always correct. In the format of respecting human rights, the opinions of all parties must be taken into account in the process, which is often overlooked in the reasoning. Thus, the concept of conscience is also Thoreau’s interpretation, which coincides with most opinions but cannot be the only one.
Moreover, everything discussed and highlighted above is confirmed in detail when analyzing additional sources. In addition to the original texts, Thoreau’s other works have also been analyzed, especially about the essential concepts of the higher law, the liberty herald, and the understanding of paradise (Higher Law 19). In addition, the study by the famous philosopher and transcendentalist Petrulionis, which provides a supporting treatment of attitudes toward slavery (185), is also worthy of note. She makes a step-by-step historical linkage and highlights the mention of abolitionism in the examples of specific works (Petrulionis 187). Its connection to the government’s violation of the concept of the supreme law in this case is obvious.
Thus, when delving into the author’s parallel reasoning, the theme of betrayal, already found earlier in the texts, becomes apparent. This action by the government is a fundamental one that disrupts order and control, and sacrifices freedom on the altar of expediency or corruption. It is underlined in: “the President coming to preside over a nation of free men, and the man who stands next to him a slave!” (Higher Law 55).
Correspondingly, the same can be seen in the general approach of praising the eponymous magazine in the Herald of Freedom essay, which expresses agreement and support for Editor Rogers’ ideas (Higher Law 59). In the context of governmental opposition, this is highlighted by the condemnation of existing injustices and the suppression of dissenters. The desire to restore paradise within the same paradigm is prominent as a barrier and limitation, manifesting as a fallen state with particular metaphoricality (Higher Law 21)—the absence and unattainability of happiness result from perpetuated alienation.
Conscience in Thoreau’s Concept of Resistance
Importance of Conscience
Being a transcendentalist allowed Thoreau to prioritize conscience in all his narratives. As Huseynli (114) indicated, he emphasized the freedom of individuals to define right and wrong as the driver of disobedience. The reason the philosopher refused to highlight the specific ways of violent or nonviolent opposition was linked to the conscience of every individual. That is why he acknowledged the cases when killing might be unavoidable if the person’s inner voice guided them to do so: “I can foresee circumstances in which both these things would be by me unavoidable” (The Higher Law 113). Although he did not wish to kill or to be the victim, he was always on the side of the nation, relying on any means to protect their liberty.
Furthermore, Thoreau dreamed of fostering this identity using the books Americans read, usually the Bible, but not the Constitution (The Higher Law 98). Therefore, protestant leaders should have either focused on humanity in their texts or preached it in the church. People had to develop self-awareness of the existing problem with the civil machine established by the inequitable government to start acting against it.
In addition, Thoreau’s emphasis on conscience as a source of resistance can be examined in more detail, taking into account each individual’s right and preference to define good and evil. Related texts emphasize its role in resisting government actions that run counter to an understanding of subjective justice. A visionary perspective in the application of critical thinking allows us to draw this parallel in all the materials studied, identifying an unambiguous commitment to and designated view of Thoreau. It consists of recognizing the importance of understanding that the remedy at the mercy of an adverse government is often worse than the manifestation of evil itself. Accordingly, having before one’s eyes an example of the difficulties experienced among people who have tried active opposition can stop others: “counter friction to stop the machine” (The Higher Law 75). An example from real life, however, is the consistency of words and actions, which, even under challenging circumstances, was inherent in the protest’s thinker and ideologue.
After establishing the grounds for Thoreau’s distrust of the State, it becomes clearer why he resists. His critical statement is that, for men under an unjust government, “the remedy is worse than the evil,” meaning that people did not resist the government because they feared the consequences: “they dread the consequences of disobedience to it to their property and families” (The Higher Law 75). However, Thoreau was never on the list of cowards, as he spent time in prison for his opposition to the levied poll tax, demonstrating his resistance against governmental injustice. His action outlined the fundamentals of Thoreau’s understanding of resistance – the refusal to accept discrimination and maltreatment by the leading parties against their nation.
Peaceful Opposition
Another theme clearly observable among the materials is the commitment to pacifism within the delivery of self-righteousness. The ambiguity of the author’s position, noted earlier, nevertheless demonstrates a relative consistency in favoring and advocating peaceful means, especially in difficult times. In the 1850s, Thoreau urged his audience to rely on pacifism, or the belief that rejects the use of violence to achieve unity, meaning that peaceful negotiations should resolve all conflicts.
Some researchers note the ambiguous nature of Thoreau’s independent declaration, suggesting he did not necessarily promote nonviolence (Huseynli 114). This reasoning comes from excerpts from his texts, stating that “it is men who have got to make the law free,” which may motivate people to stage a coup and seize power (The Higher Law 97). However, others claim these beliefs are austere connotations that the author never intended to put in his statements. Furthermore, the philosopher argued that they should not cooperate with evil, as it is akin to cooperating with good (Risquez 107). Despite opinions that emphasize Thoreau’s acceptance of cruel practices and his warrior spirit in defying the government, he never explicitly endorsed war, preferring to exemplify pacifism.
Collective Consciousness
Given the deep intertwining of individual moral convictions with the author’s interpretation of his theory of resistance, the author’s emphasis on collective consciousness is also evident. It is expressed in the suggestion of replacing texts that involve constraints with those that actually promote humanity or are spiritual due to the influence: “The editor is a preacher whom you voluntarily support.” (The Higher Law 97). In promoting the reorientation of values towards human rights, the importance of awareness was recognized, with each citizen required to understand the dangers posed by the government and its actions.
In other words, raising awareness can be understood as a consequence of the transformative power inherent in individuality. In this idea, one cannot help but notice the consistency with many modern concepts related to the active, sustainable development of society. The ideal is to strive for an optimal balance between the individual rights of each person, equality, and the absence of conflict. It is worth noting that the concept itself is relatively idealistic and has been critically evaluated by many modern researchers (Gilson 667). Nevertheless, one should not ignore Thoreau’s more narrowly focused ideas about the problems with government in his time, which he describes and outlines in detail.
Furthermore, attention to the notion of conscience as one of the primary sources of resistance is thoroughly argued in many of his works, further emphasizing the consistent thread noticed earlier. This connection allows philosophical concepts and currents to be correlated with the actual actions of their adherents. Accordingly, the centrality of conscience is meant to serve as a moral compass guiding people to confront injustice, primarily as expressed in government.
Individual Conscience
The power of individual conscience is prominent and mentioned even in Thoreau’s more general works. Defending it as the true embodiment of the supreme law is logical and natural, which coincides entirely with the ideas and conclusions outlined earlier. This same quality is attributed to the heralds of liberty, who are quoted and analyzed in depth by Thoreau as “never dark nor muddy” (Higher Law 49). Breaking chains rather than maintaining silence in the face of oppression maintains an internal compass and avoids the abandonment of the essence of liberty common among many people (Petrulionis189).
The examples above of not paying taxes, refusing to celebrate Constitution Day, or refusing military service fit perfectly with the author’s conscientiousness and perspective. The concept of creating a paradise is no exception; it requires an inevitable rebellion against artificiality, which is associated with restrictions imposed by society’s expectations (Higher Law 20). Accordingly, following one’s conscience in doing so could lead to adopting simplicity and non-violence to stay in harmony with the natural world and achieve not a place but a state of paradise through resistance.
Ordinary Actions with Symbolic Value
The symbolic approach requires a more profound understanding beyond mere standardization of acts and their ability to address society’s defined problems effectively. It is highly evident in both the texts under consideration and in Thoreau’s respective acts. Moreover, it can be broken down into several distinct themes, in which even a quiet way of life can become a true roar against tyranny.
Moreover, the influence of Thoreau’s theory and vision is evident, extending their limitations into the nineteenth century; this is evidenced by this work, which sets out to provide a detailed critical analysis of his ideas and achievements. It owes much to both symbolism and efficacy, where activism struggles for racial equality or against climate change, people’s everyday choices become resistance. Relevant examples include refusing to buy non-ecological products, choosing ethical producers, and resisting the undervaluing of marginalized communities or state policies (Xie 253). Accordingly, the meaning of each such act is more profound, as is evident through the examples from the works highlighted additionally.
The understanding of everyday life as protest becomes the first notable milestone in the absence of grand gestures or special actions. For example, the hypocrisy of embracing liberty while maintaining human slavery may stand out: “We do not complain that they live, but that they do not get buried”(The Higher Law 101). Accordingly, the act of refusing to participate and publicly announcing it emphasizes the nation’s duplicity, sowing the seeds of dissent and subverting citizens’ thinking.
This same manifestation can be seen in another work where the simple act of a man living off the land is magnified against the backdrop of a society built on exploitation. He had no connection to the war “unless it were a war for liberty” (The Higher Law 112). Breaking away from anything to do with the corrupted tendencies, in Brown’s view, may symbolize the possibility of an existence outside the corrupt system and of being part of the counterpoint to the dominant order, despite some radicality.
However, passive protest is not the only form of everyday action included in Thoreau’s theory and opinion. Refusing to pay taxes because they funded the U.S.-Mexican war is an active attempt to oppose injustice: “the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool” (The Higher Law 63). It is clearly distinguished from ordinary non-compliance by the deliberate and vociferous severing of the threads that bind the citizen and the system. The author’s every step outside the tax system can therefore be understood as part of a symbolic march toward individual autonomy in the context of ethical integrity. Undoubtedly, this testimony of the advantage of conscience over conformity is a bright beacon of moral clarity in a sea of humility and forced compromise.
An important point to highlight is the crucial role of the witness in the final realization and awareness discussed in the previous sections. It is particularly noted in the scene of symbolic resistance at the moment of Brown’s presence at the execution. The work is filled with meaning: Thoreau refuses to grieve and presents himself as a witness to the State’s violence.
Addressing the people before the execution, he already describes Brown as dead: “found myself thinking and speaking of him as physically dead”, blaming the injustice and inconsistency of the state system for his death (5). At the same time, the presence itself is not passive but a silent rebuke and refusal to succumb to the narrative generally accepted and propagated by the authorities. Accordingly, the entire essence of the work is a powerful indictment of a system that displays and glorifies brutality as part of the suppression of dissent.
In general, Thoreau’s presentation of resistance is not unique, consisting of small actions and statements that create a ripple effect in the external environment. Such a wave influence is inherent in various movements. It is perfectly understood by the author in his Slavery in Massachusetts, where abstinence from doing wrong is interpreted as a passive way to break the shackles and stereotypes of a society existing within a framework of injustice (10).
Each refusal to pay taxes, to disengage from the system, or to bear witness to the crimes of power can be the spark that ignites collective action. Thus, the importance of everyday actions as seeds of change underscores the contestability of the need for significant, abrupt revolutions. The sheer specificity of the approach implies the existence of a long-term but much quieter form of rebellion.
In the same theme, higher law can symbolize a complete rejection of repressive systems through quiet, deliberate acts of disobedience. The desire for the constant unraveling of control cannot be overlooked, and the pervasive symbolism of the work is evident, for example, “miscreants every honest man can dispose of” when arguing for the abolition of slavery (Petrulionis 191). From the perspective of the messenger of liberty, ordinary actions with significant symbolic significance must be said to be the approving actions of the editor of the journal of the same name.
Furthermore, in the context of paradise, there is indeed the most significant number of metaphors that are socially rather than religiously applied to the endeavor to achieve balance with nature. Those are “melody of birds”, “the tints of flowers”, or “the whale or the beaver… exchange places… lest by their behavior they should shame us?” (Higher Law 22). Accordingly, every moment of awareness, compassion, and conscience-driven choice can become a detail of the picture of the future.
Works Cited
Gilson, Lisa. “Thoreau’s Dialectic of Dissent and Contemporary Activism.” Political Research Quarterly, vol. 76, no. 2, 2023, pp. 667–679.
Huseynli, Ilkin. “Thoreau and the Idea of John Brown: The Radicalization of Transcendental Politics.” The Pluralist, vol. 16, no. 3, 2021, pp. 112-125.
Petrulionis, Sandra Harbert. “Chapter 18. Slavery and Abolition.” Henry David Thoreau in Context, edited by James Finley, Cambridge University Press, 2017, pp. 185–195.
Risquez, Cristina Alsina. “Draft Resistance and the Anti-War Movement as Civil Disobedience: The Influence of Thoreau’s Political Thought on the Protests Against the War in Vietnam.” Live Deep and Suck all the Marrow of Life: HD Thoreau’s Literary Legacy, Vernon Press, 2020.
Thoreau, Henry David. The Higher Law: Thoreau on Civil Disobedience and Reform. Edited by Wendell Glick, Princeton University Press, 2004.
Xie, Shaobo. “Green Religion as a Way of Life: Thoreau and His Ecocentric Esthetics of Existence.” ANQ, vol. 33, no. 4, 2020, pp. 252–262.