Introduction
Nowadays, women fight sexism in a variety of ways, especially when confronted with abuse, discrimination, and objectification in various settings of their lives, such as the workplace, public, or home. Though many of the opposition and objections to patriarchy are more covert or private in nature, mass opposition is a huge opportunity for women seeking to confront current powerful hierarchies and standards. Women and their supporters, in particular, may spark large feminist movements that collaboratively oppose the roots of male supremacy. Nevertheless, when fighting for their rights and freedom, many women encounter numerous problems. Among the most common issues that many women might face are ostracization and persecution. As a result, such issues lead to opting for the safety and support of the community instead of fighting for equality, which should be the main focus.
Lonely in Your Firm Grip: Women in Israeli-Palestinian Families
In the article Lonely in your firm grip: Women in Israeli-Palestinian families, Sa’ar uses ethnographic data on Palestinians inside Israel in order to illuminate a thin line of interdependence between fragility and feminism. The author contends that women’s rights to safety and stability are more restricted than commonly recognized (Sa’ar, 2001). A close examination of the norms and patterns of familial commitment, especially the connection between gender and power, indicates that Israeli-Palestinians must preserve a careful balance of strength and weakness in order to acquire the loyalty and support of their families. Women frequently fail to establish such a balance for a number of reasons, resulting in alienation.
The author shares the opinion that women are mostly kept subdued. For example, according to Sa’ar, femininity as a social identification must include submission. As a result, although male representatives are not at risk of becoming fragile or vulnerable by conforming to their community’s norms, women’s commitment is supposed to be entirely selfless and free of self-interest. Sa’ar (2002) shows that men draw personal strength from the endorsement of their community, and the more powerful they seem to be, the more likely they are to receive this favor. On the other hand, women risk losing the safety and support of their group if they strive to be dominant or strong. Even more, women who are seen as too powerful suffer from punishments ranging from physical assault, even murder, to blatant ostracism, as well as seclusion and disrespect from close family and friends.
Bargaining with Patriarchy
Likewise, the article Bargaining with patriarchy, written by Kandiyoti, also illuminates the dependence of women on their communities. Moreover, unlike other writers, the author argues that rigorous evaluations of women’s approaches and coping mechanisms contribute to more nationally and historically embedded conceptions of patriarchal structures than the vacuous, abstract concept of patriarchy in modern feminist theory (Kandiyoti, 1988). The phrase “patriarchal bargain” was coined by Deniz Kandiyoti to describe a woman’s choice to adhere to patriarchal expectations in order to receive various rewards for befitting behavior, whether monetary, emotional, or social rewards. Considering the fact that women’s issues vary greatly due to disparities in ethnicity, socioeconomic position, or religion, patriarchal agreements can take various forms.
Later, instead of focusing on one male-dominated nation and its norms, like Sa’ar, Kandiyoti reveals two forms of male domination via examples from Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. The authors’ purpose was to show a gradation extending from less corporate types of families to the more stringent male-dominated family structures. In this respect, the former include independence of women and children and can be seen in Sub-Saharan polygamous marriages, while the latter are seen in so-called patriarchal belt countries. Consequently, the author’s analysis might serve as an addition to Sa’ar’s claims. Kandiyoti asserts that varied types of patriarchy confront women with numerous rules and standards (Kandiyoti, 1988). However, they also necessitate different methods for maximizing safety and optimizing life alternatives, with prospects for active and passive protest in the face of injustice.
Dislocating Cultures
The last source, Dislocating cultures, written by Uma Nayaran, illuminates the struggles of “third-world feminists,” as the author put it. Like two previous writers, Nayaran provides an example of an Algerian feminist’s painfully truthful opinion. The writer argues that women’s protests and desire to share equality “is always a betrayal-of the people, of the nation, of the revolution, of Islam, of national identity, of cultural roots, of the Third World” (Narayan, 2013, p.31). Unlike Sa’ar and Kandiyoti, Nayaran not only describes the local norms that restrict the liberties and rights of women, but also provides a strong message that should serve as a conduit for motivation to fight for what is right.
According to the author, although some of the improvements that have occurred in Third-World environments have undoubtedly benefited the lives of women, others have certainly worsened the situation. Adjustments that improve the quality of life of some women have little or no effect on other women in Third-World countries (Narayan, 2013). Feminists must be vigilant and responsive to each of these different options, as well as promote extensive and rigorous debate on numerous elements of social reform.
Nevertheless, the author outlines the personal issues that might arise when fighting for equality. Political factors, along with feminist issues, are demands for a comprehensive reconsideration of current understandings of major systems and institutions. The rethinking that is demanded is frequently hard and frustrating. The reason is that dominant images of one’s state and background, cultural aspects, and crucial social structures are inextricably linked to one’s image of themselves as a citizen and part of the community (Narayan, 2013). Perceptions of one’s state, one’s national character, and one’s culture are inextricably linked to one’s feeling of home, one’s feeling of connection to a wider community, one’s feeling of heritage, and one’s patriotism.
As a result, while calling for action and spreading the necessity of social reform, Nayaran accentuates the necessity to also respect the values that are inherent to women of specific regions and not try to vigorously impose the unknown on minorities without deep knowledge of the culture. Still, feminists must not forget to address both domestic concerns and serious transnational or worldwide challenges if they want to obtain more domestic equity and broader international freedom in an interconnected and interdependent society (Narayan, 2013). At the end, the author provides a few examples of coalitions that specialize in gathering knowledge regarding the implications of Islamic law, bringing attention to the modern issues and abuses of rights of minorities.
Conclusion
Hence, all three articles illuminate the struggles of women in the modern eastern regions of the world. More specifically, women encounter the problems of ostracization and serious threats if they try to gain more power or independence. However, while Sa’ar focused only on the difficulties of women, Kandiyoti provides examples of when women try to take small steps and protest by requiring maximum safety and optimizing life alternatives. The last source differs from the two previous materials since it also involves a strong message that necessitates action and rebellion against injustice. The author claims that the changes occur only when awareness is spread.
References
Kandiyoti, D. (1988). Bargaining with patriarchy. Gender and Society, 2(3), 274-290.
Narayan, U. (2013). Dislocating cultures: Identities, traditions, and third world feminism. Routledge.
Sa’ar, A. (2001). Lonely in your firm grip: Women in Israeli-Palestinian families. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 7(4), 723-739.