Introduction
The authoritarian rule of the Communist Party has always been accompanied by repression and denigration of the rights of citizens. This tendency can be seen in the historical data of countries such as the USSR, North Korea, and China. For long periods of time, the treatment of their own people in these countries was not at a sufficient level. As the regime changed or softened and new politicians came to power, in some cases, there was an improvement in the situation accompanying the development of the country. However, repression returned and periodically intensified after a while, and China was an example of this. Under today’s Communist Party leader, Xi Jinping, such a time has come, and in parallel with the country’s economic problems during his rule, the state’s repressive policies have become more aggressive.
Background
Concepts and Schools of Thought
As per common comprehension of the repression, it entails the real or imminent use of tangible restrictions against a person or organization within the geographic territory of the state. It imposes an expense on the target and discourages particular tasks and perceptions deemed threatening to federal employees, procedures, or establishments. Repressive conduct uses threats and intimidation to force victims. Still, it is not concerned with all forceful purposes, such as preventing violent crime and robbery. Instead, it focuses on deployments of governmental authority that infringe the rights of persons, constitutional protections in the implementation and execution of the law, and personal dignity or protection. Political subjugation is the act of a government body dictating a general public by violent means for partisan purposes. It intends to limit or deter the citizenry from engaging in the political life of a community, thereby diminishing their standing among their compatriots.
There are several primary political schools of thought, of which three basic principles are usually distinguished: separation, interaction, and politics. The last two are more similar and contrasted with the first, which concentrates on the separation of politics and governance (Demir, 2019). In addition to the basic principles, the five most common types of political structure are liberalism, anarchism, conservatism, absolutism, and socialism. China has positioned itself as a progressive socialism in previous years and in modern times while often incorporating the most negative features of this system (Brean, 2019). These include the nominal power of the people with virtually no influence over the state, a central governing and property authority in the form of the Communist Party, and a moral critique of capitalism, though less pronounced in recent times.
Liberalism has little to do with China, which has no opposition or other attributes. Despite the global idea of an interventionist administration, an ideal political environment for the people, and humanitarian values that Chinese leaders pay lip service to, they are, in fact, details of propaganda, not liberalism, and have other goals (Fawcett, 2022). Anarchism is even more irrelevant to a country where all levels of government and people and their functions are quite clearly structured. Absolutism is a rather interesting school in this case and, at first examination, is not related to China, which has not been ruled by an emperor for a long time. However, Xi Jinping’s recent strengthening of his position, including the unexpected precedent of a second term as party head, makes it necessary to take a closer look at this school. With its full scope of power, the Communist Party still recently had several different internal commands, whose leaders took turns being elected to terms of presidency. While suppressing his rivals within the party and their supporters, Xi Jinping’s unprecedented re-election resembles confident steps toward a change in the state system.
Conservatism is much closer to Chinese society, whose mentality is dominated by the observance of traditions, rules, and respect for ancestors. After socialism, this type of school of political thought has the most significant relevance to the country. Politically, conceptual conservatives are wary of messing with democratic behavior patterns and systems and are notably skeptical of large-scale transformations. They choose the path of tradition, not for culture, but because they have a pessimistic perception of humanity’s capacity to reinvent societal ideals that have developed and adjusted through many millennia (Fawcett, 2022). Modern liberals rationalize redistribution on the premise that it provides a foundation for human progress.
In contrast, conservatives dread the poor rising to topple the existing quo and its hierarchy. For conservatives, the significance of structures cannot always be evaluated based on the current generation’s practical reasoning. Consequently, conservatives reject the concept of a social compact or the likelihood of its existence in the current day. For instance, for conservatives, a contemporary debate in political science literature involves the inherent rigidity of Japan’s system of government (Brean, 2019). A liberalist would point to the nation’s statutory provisions and powerful agencies, while a conservative would point to deeply entrenched Japanese and Chinese traditions such as submission and steadiness.
Review of Prior Studies and Literature
Various scholars have given different definitions of repression, as highlighted in this section. Jones (2020) used a common description, defining suppression as any measures undertaken by authorities to prevent assembly, harass and frighten activists, separate institutions, and violently attack, imprison, detain, and murder revolutionary members. These conceptions of repression have been widely employed by social change academics such as Kwong and Jones, but Blaydes (2018) observes that they concentrate too much attention on the function of the government. He also describes repression as any private or state activity created to stop, regulate, or restrict non-institutional collaboration, including its inception.
Some of the previous researchers have not noted a significant level of increase in domestic repression. For example, Sandel (2018) argues that the condition was much more severe at the beginning of the formation of the Communist Party. In addition, in Ruan et al. (2021), one can see the lack of seriousness that the author feels about religious persecution. In some works, there is explicit agreement with the thesis of this paper and evidence of increased repression in the immediate period (Shaozhi, 2019; Zedong, 2019). However, most of this has to do with repression associated with protests due to the economic crisis. According to Rawles (2020), dictatorship leads to increased proportions of suppression among citizens. The totalitarism is considered an inherent and unalienable right to the supreme political organization whose fundamental purpose is maintaining peace. Rights and responsibilities a regime would grant itself if its members lacked awareness and, consequently, inclinations toward one another are abundant (Rawls, 2020). As a result, when citizens are unconscious of their democratic freedoms, administrations are more likely to abuse those privileges rendering them more stifled.
Conservatives used lesser quantities of redistribution among citizens to create a relationship with rates of repression in society. It is claimed that a small amount of equalization is necessary to maintain a non-revolutionary, tolerant community, thus, lowering rates of suppression in a community (Nilsson & Jost, 2020). In addition, Ralph Adams Cram used citizens’ awareness of their rights and privileges to establish a connection with levels of repression. He implied that as governments evolve, their faults and flaws will become evident, and, as a result, they will be progressively modified when public opinion against them shifts (Nilsson & Jost, 2020). Therefore, such modifications and uprisings against regimes would lead to reduced stifled nature of people.
Research Question Formulation
A strong research question is necessary for directing a research article, project, or thesis. It delineates what is expected to discover and provides the study with a distinct focus and objective. The question fits the following criteria for a research problem, as described by Hunt et al. (2018). It is specific and relevant to the research because it concentrates on particular issues and challenges, namely whether coercion occurs among Chinese citizens under President Xi Jinping. Furthermore, it can be answered using either secondary or primary information. For instance, the inquiry question can be answered using quantitative and qualitative data or by reviewing academic sources to create an explanation. Targeted and researchable may also imply that the area of investigation does not require a subjective value judgment since it uses more measurable parameters to analyze the components, like repression and Xi Jinping.
Moreover, the research topic is doable and specific because it is addressable within practical boundaries, employs particular, well-defined principles, and does not demand a definitive solution, strategy, or method of action. Baglione (2018) implies that all terminology used in the research topic should have precise interpretations, that investigators should avoid misleading language and broad concepts, and be specific about who, what, and when the inquiry covers. The research question should be explicit on who (President Xi Jinping), what (Repression), where (China), and when (reign of President Xi Jinping, who has been the paramount leader of China since 2012).
Furthermore, the research question is complicated and debatable since it cannot be replied to with a simple yes or no, cannot be addressed with readily available facts and numbers, and allows for discussion and consideration. According to Howard (2017), a response to an outstanding research question requires unique data, the integration of numerous sources, evaluation, and argumentation. Furthermore, Howard (2017) suggests that the answer to the inquiry should not be a simple recitation of facts; there must be an opportunity to analyze and interpret the results. It is especially crucial in essays and research papers, where the answer to the question frequently takes the shape of an argumentative topic sentence.
Lastly, it is noted that a research problem must be innovative and relevant. This signifies that it tackles a problem pertinent to the individual’s related discipline, advances to a timely social or intellectual discussion, and has not been resolved previously (Hunt et al., 2021). The study question intends to add to the ongoing discussion regarding China’s repression and limited democratization (Ruan et al., 2021). It would generate knowledge that future scholars or experts might build. In addition, the research question concentrates on resolving a problem or a deficit in the existing body of literature on authoritarianism in China, formulated based on the research. The research hypotheses would be: If a more active government lays a greater emphasis on the state’s capacity, will it create an ideal political environment for its citizens? If strong authoritative values exist within a government, will that promote a just and peaceful society? The standard for falsification includes manipulation of the unit of analysis within the study due to the sensitive nature of the study.
Research Question
Has repression level in China increased under Xi Jinping?
Research Design and Methods
Design and Variables
The main research design in this paper is qualitative. The reason for this choice is that it is impossible to collect the amount of statistical data on repression due to the closed nature of the country. Moreover, a certain level of doubt about the sources and veracity of most of this specific information would be reasonable, as China’s censorship strongly affects digital and ordinary spaces. The most correct analytic process will be the parsing of cause and effect relationships in the analysis process.
In the case of qualitative research, it becomes much more difficult to separate independent variables from dependent variables. Usually, the separation method is not used in these types of research, but it is possible to define the dependent as the consequence and the independent as the cause. Therefore, the dependent variable will correspond to the research question and thesis prediction and thus denote the fact that the level of repression in the period of interest has actually increased. The independent ones are provided by the reasons for this increase, some of which will be listed later. Moreover, qualitative variables can be divided into nominal and ordinal variables. A nominal variable is a binary variable in the form of a research question that has two levels – yes or no. All reasons would also then have the roles of nominal variables, being in a similar format.
Causal relationships
Causal logic is the identification of causation or the correlation between a cause and a consequence. The various logic that links Xi Jinping to the proportions of repression among Chinese citizens is enumerated in this section. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, which has increased restrictions on media practitioners, journalism has, of course, never been a strong suit. In addition, labor NGOs have long been exposed to various types of intimidation frequently when their operations conflict with the objectives of shady Chinese Communist Party members. As a result, Chinese workers exhibit greater stress levels to meet their daily household obligations. Lastly, the government persists with measures that pose an even greater threat to indigenous culture, religion, and dialect, even classifying the religious practices of Muslims as extremism.
Classical and contemporary liberals concur that the authority has a severe obligation to objectivity and, by extension, to serve all people fairly. Liberals commend structures that are rationally supported as being advantageous to human liberty. If an entity fails to sustain a liberal value despite a rigorous and reasonable evaluation, it must be rebuilt for the emancipation of humankind. People and community groups are better at assessing their requirements and issues than distant bureaucracies. Therefore, a broad distribution of rights to personal property is consistent with conservative beliefs. Since conservatives are fundamentally skeptical of the government, they favor other social connections to encourage, direct and assist the maturity of civilized humans and the autonomy of the individual to make their mistakes.
Methods
A unit of analysis is the primary topic or item the investigator intends to have marked. From the inquiry, the evaluation element would be individuals, Chinese citizens. This is because the paper compares the suppression level among them under the rule of Xi Jinping. The arena of proof would be the various results about individuals’ proportion of suppression obtained from the different qualitative or quantitative techniques used in the investigation.
Discussion
There is ample evidence that the rights of Chinese citizens have been curtailed in recent times. In addition to the deprivation of their ability to take deposits from banks due to the crisis, there have been regular arrests of disgruntled people and the dispersal of rallies. The brutal quarantine measures are only intensifying due to the pandemic, while those around the world have long been relaxed. No other country has had the front doors of apartment buildings welded shut or the construction of concentration camps for the infected. Global surveillance is not only related to the digitalization of society but also helps to instantly track unwanted citizens, calculate their location and subject them to reprisals.
Repression rates among the Chinese present themselves in numerous circumstances, as evidenced in this section. Firstly, suppression reveals itself through the authoritarian regime that currently rules the People’s Republic of China. China’s labor laws do not permit civil liberties, a fundamental labor requirement. The prevalence of occupational well-being infractions is accompanied by limited enforcement and redress for personnel exposed to hazardous working circumstances (Zedong, 2019). Moreover, there have been variations in the level of support the CCP has received over the years due to its repression. For example, in the early years of the CCP’s rule, the party’s electoral support was even higher, reaching as high as 99% in some elections (Blanchette, 2020). In recent years, the CCP’s support has fluctuated somewhat, with some elections seeing a slight decline in the percentage of votes the party receives. Repression of moderate or partisan Chinese presidential policy includes the government censoring media outlets that report on moderate or partisan Chinese presidential policy and limiting access to information and perspectives that differ from the official narrative.
One of the key ways in which Xi Jinping has impacted regime outcomes in China is through his emphasis on strengthening the Communist Party’s control over society. This has included increased censorship, cracking down on political dissidents, and implementing a more centralized decision-making system. Therefore, this has resulted in a more authoritarian regime, with less room for political opposition and dissent (Shaozhi, 2019). Moreover, Xi Jinping has overseen the establishment of stricter controls over the selection and nomination of candidates for elections, as well as the voting process itself (Shaozhi, 2019). This has reduced the ability of opposition candidates to challenge the CCP and has likely contributed to the party’s solid electoral performance. Finally, Xi Jinping has led to moderate or partisan presidential policy variation through his strong leadership and emphasis on the Chinese Communist Party’s central role in governance (Shaozhi, 2019). Xi Jinping has implemented policies to promote economic growth and modernization while cracking down on corruption and strengthening the party’s control over society. This has resulted in a more assertive and authoritarian leadership style, focusing less on consensus-building and compromise.
Furthermore, the counterarguments to these claims do not stand up to criticism. The claim that only dangerous members of society are eliminated is refuted by the relatives of the disgruntled who were ordinary people. The danger of the virus requiring such methods of control is also greatly exaggerated, as has been proven by virtually the entire world community. Nevertheless, the lever of controlling society in the form of lockdown is too convenient not to use it.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is almost certain that the level of repression in China has increased during Xi Jinping’s rule. Despite some economic growth at the beginning of this period, the country’s economy has now been severely shaken, depriving citizens of deposits and a future, and rejecting their demands. The persecution of those dissatisfied with the government, the maximization of control with human rights violations during the pandemic, and the expulsion of some citizens to concentration camps for religious reasons confirm this fact. In a country with incredible productive, intellectual, and human potential, a large part of the population is in a position of slavery, unable to influence party policy, and under the threat of reprisals.
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