Introduction
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be compared to the conflict of two different people, two groups of identity, each of which wants to claim the same territory as the national land and the political state. In a conflict like this, the identity alongside the existence of the ‘enemy’ are a thread I the identity and the existence of each of the groups. “The other’s identity and its associated narrative challenge the group’s claims of ownership – at least to exclusive ownership – of the land and its resources” (Kelman 2007, p. 287).
Hamas vs Fatah
As the world put an emphasis on the peace process to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict, the division between Hamas and Fatah still remains unnoticed. The worldwide community thinks that the political and the economic sanctions on Hamas will minimize the conflict (Brown 2010, p. 36). However, the solution to the conflict is not the destruction of the two rival groups. According to Lieut, Gen. Michael Flynn, a top Pentagon Official, “the destruction of Palestinian militant group Hamas will not solve, and might even intensify, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict” (cited in Fitsanakis 2014, para. 1). The solution to every conflict is always negotiations in which both the United States of America and the Arab League can aid.
How Can Arab League Help
The role of the Arab League in the conflict is engaging every side into a dialogue and offering a compromise without reviving any further crisis and conflict (Hitti 2013, para. 10). The challenge of Saudi Arabian King Abdullah to solve the Mideast conflict became a catalyst for further actions of the League. King Abdullah underlined the importance of a peaceful conflict resolution and noted, “In injured Palestine, the people are still resolute, while suffering occupation and repression, and are deprived of their rights to independence and a sovereign state” (cited in Hanley 2007, para. 9). He insisted on putting an end to the conflict as well as ending the sanctions put on Israel.
Reasons for U.S. to Stop Supporting Israel
There is a number of reasons why the U.S. government should stop supporting Israel in the conflict. These reasons include the harm of the U.S. military aid for the population of Israel that must spend their tax funds on strengthening the military establishment instead of improving the social situation. Secondly, the fact that Israel illegally occupies Palestine is another reason for not supporting Israel. Thirdly, Israel constantly violates human rights of the Palestinian Population in the occupied territories that contradicts the U.S. Constitution (Top Ten Reasons to Oppose U.S. Aid to Israel n.d., para. 6). The Arab League should put a strong pressure on the U.S. government to stop helping Israel. As the help stops, the conflict will start to minimize because of the lack of military resources, causing Israel and Palestine to begin negotiations.
Why Should Israel Leave Palestine
The above-listed reasons for the U.S. to stop helping Israel are also applicable to the question of why Israel must leave Palestine. For instance, the Israeli abuse of human rights of the occupied populations normalizes the violation of human rights. Moreover, the Israeli leaders took participation in training other abusive regimens, like, for instance, a Honduran military intelligence unit that terrorized the peaceful population. To further complicate the situation, Israel trained the South African hit squads that aimed at destroying ANC leaders (Top Ten Reasons to Oppose U.S. Aid to Israel n.d., para. 9).
References
Brown, N 2010, ‘The Hamas-Fatah Conflict: Shallow but Wide’, The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, vol. 34, no. 2, pp. 35-49.
Fitsanakis, J 2014, Destroying Hamans Won’t Solve Conflict, Says Top US Pentagon Official. Web.
Hanley, D 2007, Saudi Arabian King Abdullah Challenges Arab League to Solve Mideast Conflicts. Web.
Hitti, N 2013, How the Arab League Can Help Israel, Palestine Negotiate. Web.
Kelman, H 2007, ‘The Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process and Its Vicissitudes. Insights From Attitude Theory’, America Psychologist, vol. 62, no. 4, pp. 287-303.