Introduction
Strategic culture can be defined as beliefs and modes of behavior that are shared by a society. These aspects are facilitated by mutual experiences. There are many definitions of strategic culture.
However, in this paper, strategic culture will be defined as “that set of shared beliefs, assumptions, and modes of behavior, derived from common experiences and accepted narratives (both oral and written), that shape collective identity and relationships with other groups, and which determine appropriate ends and means for achieving security objectives” (Stanley, 2006, p. 3). This paper will look into the various aspects of strategic culture, as highlighted in the definition of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The focus will be on the aspect of decision making of Iran, especially in regards to the nuclear weapons program.
Iran has a frosty relationship with the west. The Iranian authorities have a unique world view and the perception being a reflection of the Iranian society. The Iranian regime is not very stable with some elements of the Islamic Revolution, impacts of the 1980s war with Iraq, and the integration of Muslim clerics into the ruling class.
The Iranian leadership is usually a small clique of decision makers led by a religion Supreme Leader (Stanley, 2006). The Supreme Leader enjoys considerable political powers and, thus, critical to the way the government is being run. The formal organization of the Iranian administration is quite transparent when compared to other authoritarian regimes (Mackey, 1996).
Iran’s relations with the West
The relations between the West and Iran are not cordial. The leadership of Iran views the West in a negative way. For instance, Iran has had a hostile relationship with the U.S. for quite some time now. This does not come as a surprise given the experiences of Iran under colonialism of the British and the Russians. The Iranians acknowledge that their relationship with the modern West has not been pleasurable.
During the 19th century, Iran engaged in fights with the Russians, leading to the occupation of its territories. Also, after the Iranian revolution of 1969, the West established close ties with Iraq, which was seen as a perennial rival to Iran. This was meant to curtail the growing influence of radicalism that had been brought about by the revolution. Iran saw this as an effort meant to strangle the Islamic government (Tabarani, 2008).
This led to the brewing hatred between the Iranians and the West. Furthermore, there are other factors that contributed to the growing hatred between the West and Iran. They include the experience of Ayatollah Khomeini concerning the anti-colonial rhetoric of the mid 20th century. Also, the Iranians had internationalized the concept of duality that was associated with the ancient Zoroastrianism. Lastly, this hatred was nurtured by the previous incidences where Iran was conquered and subjected to subjugation by Arabs and the Mongols. These factors have been combined to explain the hatred that the Iranians have against the western powers (Tabarani, 2008).
Political and religious philosophy
It has to be noted that Iran presents a unique scenario where the political and religious ideologies have been merged. Religious ideology is derived from Shia Islam. This has seen the Shia Islam consolidate the clerical caste, thereby dominating religious institution. Therefore, it can be noted that Iran and Shia Islam are inseparable.
Ayatollah Khomeini has unique politico-religious policies, which focus on how the regime can be sustained. Khomeini believes that the Iranian regime is founded on Shia Islam’s authority. Therefore, any notion of abandoning the regime will be equal to abandoning Islam and the will of Allah. In this case, the survival of the regime is regarded as central to Iranian nationalism. The clerical rule in Iran has led to the formalization of a religious order (Halm, 1997).
The leadership of Iran is flexible, and this depicts the adaptive nature of the culture of this country. This flexibility can be attributed to various aspects. In the first place, the Iranian people were Shia, and they were surrounded by Sunni neighbors. Also, the Iranians were an isolated lot amid Arabs. This meant that the Iranians needed to develop survival tactics for them to thrive. It has to be pinpointed that the Iranian elites demonstrated their flexibility in the manner in which they applied administrative skills. This has gone a long way into defining the Iranian cultural identity that has stood the test of time (Mackey, 1996).
The Iranians had an unpleasant experience during the war with the Russians. This made Iran adopt a cautionary approach towards the development of military adventurism. In this conflict, Iran expressed its willingness and intention to go out of its length to advance the revolutionary tenets. This is an indication of how far Iran can go in its effort to expound on nationalism. This sends shivers considering the notion held by Iran regarding its determination to conquer Iraq before taking over Jerusalem. The international community should watch keenly to ensure that Iran does not realize its zealous move to take over Jerusalem (Stanley, 2006).
However, it can be noted that Iran has scaled down its ambition regarding territorial ambitions. The Iranian authorities have been vocal that Israel should be eliminated from the world map. Nonetheless, this notion does not seem to be realizable because the Iranian zeal has been watered down (Tabarani, 2008).
Elements of Iran’s Strategic culture
The geographical aspect has played a critical role in the formation of the Iranian strategic culture. The Iranian nationalism is said to have been started in the Iranian plateau. Shi’ism was embraced to provide the uniqueness of Iran. Shi’ism was at the center during the Iranian nationalism. This was clearly expressed by the Iranian Revolution that embraced Islam.
There are certain elements the remind Iranians of their past. Most of the glorious past has been ingrained in the minds of Iranians up to date. This is evident in the traditions of Shi’ite Islam and cultural artifacts. This has remained indisputable even among the modern clerical regime. The historical past has been immortalized through festivals, such as Nawrooz and Ashura (Mackey, 1996).
There is a mixed view of Iran by the Iranian leadership. The leadership’s perspective looks at Iran as an oppressed country. It also sees the country as facing a great challenge from the West, which comes disguised as a substitute that guarantees the right path. The Iranians hold that the Western powers were part of the Iraqi invasion during the 1980s. They did not intervene to stop the war. This experience was critical in defining the Iranian perspective towards the West. Indeed, the senior government officials believed that the West, particularly the United States, posed a great threat to their ambitions (Williams & Viotti, 2012).
The Oil resource
The strategic culture of Iran has been influenced by the vast oil resources of the country. This resource has enabled Iranian authorities to hold onto power and define the strategic objectives. In this case, the oil resource has played a critical role in the economy of Iran. Although Iran is rich in oil resources, the infrastructure to extract this resource is aging, thereby affecting production. There are many factors that have contributed to this situation. However, what stands out clear is that the Iranian nationalists are suspicions of foreigners who want to invest in the oil sector (Curtis, Hooglund & Library of Congress, 2008).
Shi’ism influence
As noted earlier, religion is a critical part of the Iranian people. Iran is dominated by Shia Islam. This religion has been central in shaping the perspective of the Iranian authorities. It can be noted that Khomeini’s Vilayat-i Faqih has been enshrined in the constitution. Also, the government structure ensures that religious leaders hold power to interpret Islamic law to the people (Stanley, 2006). The concept of martyrdom has been incorporated in the Iranian society aimed at the preservation of the revolution.
Therefore, the survival of the regime is tied to Shi’a Islam. The concept of Maslahat, which is normally interpreted as putting the interest of the people first has also been entrenched in Iranian society (Halm, 1997). The Iranian people have also embraced the concept of jihad in which they are determined to fight for the protection of Islam. In its jihad mission, Iran has identified the US and Israel as the primary targets of its jihad. The two are regarded as infidels and enemies of Islam (Mackey, 1996).
How Iran uses its strategic culture
Iran is determined to acquire nuclear weapons to consolidate its position in the world. The clerical leaders want to keep holding onto their power. With the acquisition of nuclear power status, Iranian leadership will achieve its desired objective of ensuring that Iran becomes the leading force in the region. The leading elites in Iran believe that the acquisition of the nuclear power will ensure that Iran is protected from the advances of the United States in its effort to interfere with Iranian domestic and foreign policies (Tabarani, 2008).
Thus, it is believed that the acquisition of nuclear status will serve as a deterrent measure against the Western invasion. The Iranian regime has succeeded in amassing domestic support for the nuclear program. In this case, the Iranian people look at the nuclear power program as a symbol of national pride (Curtis, Hooglund & Library of Congress, 2008).
The leadership of Iran is aware of the threats and actions that can be undertaken by the West to stop it from advancing its objectives. In anticipation of the economic sanctions targeting the oil sector, Iran has turned to China and Japan for investment in this sector. This is aimed at minimizing the impact of any oil embargo initiated by the West.
Any military action taken against Iran to deter its nuclear program should be well calculated. It might be pointed out that the Iranian leadership has always been determined to protect its regime even if it means taking extreme measures. Therefore, there is a likelihood of Iran turning to terrorism to defense and protect its regime. On the diplomatic front, Iran does not have the trust of the international community. Iran has despised the West, and any diplomatic effort to encourage Iran to stop its nuclear ambitions are seen as efforts to deprive Iran of its right to defend itself (Williams & Viotti, 2012).
Conclusion
To summarize everything said above in the paper, It can be noted that strategic culture is critical to explain predictive behavior. Iran has been identified as a country whose leadership is determined to protect the country’s national identity. The integration of religion in its leadership offers a unique approach. The clerical regime is influential in the political matters of the country. The country has a rich history that has greatly influenced the country’s strategic culture. Iran is determined to become the most powerful nation in the Middle East.
However, the West is worried by the trend considering that the Iranian leadership is determined to acquire nuclear weapons. Efforts to convince Iran to abandon its nuclear ambitions are complicated and delicate. In this case, the Iranians see this as the only way that will ensure that the country is respected at the international level. Iran has strategically forged alliances with friendly countries, such as China to scale down the effects of any economic sanctions that may be taken by the West (Curtis, Hooglund & Library of Congress, 2008).
References
Curtis, G. E., Hooglund, E. J., & Library of Congress. (2008). Iran: A country study. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, Federal Research Division.
Halm, H. (1997). Shia Islam: From Religion to Revolution. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers.
Mackey, S. (1996). The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation. New York: Plume.
Stanley, W. (2006). The strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Tabarani, G. G. (2008). How Iran plans to fight America and dominate the Middle East. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse.
Williams, R. E., & Viotti, P. R. (2012). Arms control: History, theory, and policy. Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger.