There are varied principal values that govern various activities undertaken by people in different social structures like the school, health care systems, mortuary and boot camp.
From a school perspective, students are taught many lessons ranging from the formal elements of the curriculum to the informal elements related to the student’s behavior, dress code, body movement and so forth. However, in both sectors, there are sets of values that regulate these activities.
In the formal sectors, the guidelines and values are well stipulated in the curriculum. Most notably, the provisions in the curriculum are well adhered to since they are set by a governing body that controls all the institutions.
The guidelines of the informal elements are contained in a hidden curriculum (disciplinary measures) based on the institution.
As described by Morris (2005), the stipulated values and guidelines are exercised in a discriminatory manner based on race, class and gender. This triggers social inequality in the education system. In Matthews school, students were expected to adhere to a certain dress code with the shirts tucked in all the times.
On a gender basis, ladies are supposed to adhere to a lady like behaviors while walking and speaking. The same applies to their male counterparts. In addition, this counts even to the new recruits regardless of their cultural backgrounds (Morris, 2005).
In regard to health care systems, there are several values set to direct the health care experts when handling patients particularly in physical examinations. These values are aimed to enable them to control their feelings, as well as their patients behavior.
In physical examinations, health care experts regularly examine naked bodies of their patients and discuss sexual related issues with them. On top of this, they are required to overcome and avoid any sexual arousal and desire emanating from their patients.
There are several guidelines and values that regulate health care experts in this task. To begin with, there are convectional policies and ethics that control socialization aspects of healthcare experts with patients.
This prohibits health care experts from developing and eventually involving in sexual relationships with their patients more so those under their direct supervision. Next, the health care institutions equip medical practitioners with socialization curriculum that enables them to desexualize the human body.
Here, healthcare experts are trained on how to hide their feelings and overcome emotional expression from the patients. This is facilitated by the use of medical terms instead of colloquial terms to make them appear professional.
Other values include involving a chaperone, engaging in nonsexual conversations, meeting patients while clothed prior to the examination and empathize privacy during the physical examination (Giuffre and Williams, 2000).
As far as mortuary is concerned, principal values are also employed to guide mortuary workers in dealing with the dead in their routine work. Like in other professions, the core values in mortuary work are based on emotional capitalism. However, the emotional requirement in every profession differs significantly.
For instance, mortuary services require individuals with fear mastery regarding death and revulsion in handling the dead. This mastery is incorporated through normalizing scenes to familiarize them with the dead. This exposure helps to reduce death fear and strangeness.
A transformation that converts the beliefs of a person towards this occupation is required to enhance this aspect. The corpse should no longer be viewed as a dead person rather than objects of operation in their occupation. Additionally, this is strengthened through communication normalization.
The recruits should be trained to develop a language to help them connect and adopt the dead. Similar to health care, this language will identify their profession amongst the general public.
Moreover, a mortuary recruit should be trained to overcome discrimination from the general public who view this profession as emotionally upsetting.
According to Cahill (1999), the majority of those who survive and complete mortuary related studies have or had previously connected with the mortuary. This was either through living near a mortuary or having family members and friends working in a morgue (Cahill, 1999).
Further to the boot camp, the soldier’s profession also has principal guidelines governing them. Unlike other professions, their task revolves around killing and being killed. Soldiers work is primarily guided by patriotism and loyalty.
They are bound to safeguard national and political interests of their masters and country. Their urge to serve is attributed to their love and self respect, which is not linked to their own self interests.
Secondly, the profession demands high secrecy to protect the symbols and slogans for national unity. Occupation socialization of recruits requires building up of emotional capitalism. This is mainly achieved through indoctrination in order to impart values and loyalties of the occupation.
Emotion capitalism installs belief in the occupation. Younger recruits are mostly preferred due to this factor amongst others such as physical fitness, independence, and economical dispensability. In addition, youngsters bring enthusiasm and naiveté in the training.
Training is not based on imparting skills, but transforming recruits to absorb things that they would not have believed in otherwise. This is enforced through mental and physical pressures in a supportive environment that will enable them to absorb these values (Dyer, n.d.).
References
Cahill, S.E. (1999). Emotional Capital and Proffessional Socialization:The Case of Mortuary Science Student (and Me). Social Psychology Quarterly, 62(2): 101 116.
Dyer, G. (n.d.). Anybody’s Son Will Do. Web.
Giuffre, P.A. & Williams, C.L. (2000). Not Just Bodies: Strategies for Desexualizing the Physical Examination of Patients. Gender & Society, 14(3): 457-482.
Morris, E.W. (2005). ‘Tuck in that shirt’ Race, Class, Gender, and Discipline in an urban School. Social Perspectives, 48(1): 25-48.