The Connection of Hockey, Violence, and War Research Paper

Introduction

In public opinion, hockey has a reputation as one of the most violent sports. However, this sport has, in many ways, helped build Canada from scratch; because of it, the people have grown closer together. The war has affected Canada in other ways as well. A national influence is still recognized today in memorials, but not in the most favorable manner. During the war, many hockey players joined the Canadian Expeditionary Forces. It, in turn, influenced the subsequent development of hockey as one of the key aspects of Canadian culture. This paper will show how the three are related and will mainly concentrate on the intersection of World War I and World War II and the beginning of professional hockey in the early to mid-1900s.

Violence in Hockey

Contrary to the public’s belief that hockey violence is rising, violence has always been ingrained in the sport’s tradition. According to Kannen and Shyminsky (2019), players, spectators, organizers, pundits, and the Canadian state have all condoned, legitimized, ritualized, and sometimes even applauded violent versions of hockey from the game’s inception to the present day. For instance, Kenler and Knott-Fayle (2022) concede that Hockey Canada “grossly misunderstood and miscalculated the depth and breadth of the problem” and that “it did not end the culture of toxic behavior” (para. 2). As such, hockey violence has been considered normal since the late eighteenth century.

John Ross Robertson, the president of the Ontario Hockey Association, said, “We must call a halt to slashing and slugging and insist upon clean hockey… before we have to call in a coroner to visit our rinks” as an illustration (McKee and Forsyth 2021, 10). A year later, the coroner was summoned when an Ontario player named Alcide Laurin died after sustaining an injury to the head from Maxville’s Allan Loney (Adams 2020). The coroner was called once again in 1907 when Owen “Bud” McCourt of the Cornwall Hockey Club was hit in the head by Charles Masson of the Ottawa Victorias (Adams 2020). Masson and Loney were first accused of murder, but the accusations eventually changed to homicide. Although such violence was seen as inherent to the sport, the offending player was always found not guilty by the courts.

The 1907 rivalry between the Montreal Wanderers and Ottawa Silver Seven is a good illustration of the ferocity and machismo that existed in Canadian hockey before the First World War. Many people watched games between the Silver Seven and the Wanderers since they were two of Canada’s top hockey teams. Due to the extraordinary level of violence in this game, journalists created several powerful narratives about hockey and masculinity that were reflected in the media coverage of the match on January 12, 1907 (Kannen and Shyminsky 2019). The second game between the two teams at the end of the season sparked more talk about the role of violence in hockey.

When social perceptions of manliness and masculinity were shifting profoundly, hockey also rose to prominence in Canadian popular culture. In the research, Kenler and Knott-Fayle (2020) assert that failing to acknowledge the interaction between sports culture and masculinity in male-dominated areas is linked to violence in hockey (2). For example, in the late 19th century, the most dominant male ideal in North America was a kind of violent masculinity that Adams (2020) refers to this as “rougher masculinity” (164). This intense definition of masculinity, which was rooted in ideas of physique, martial spirit, eugenics, and social Darwinism, elevated belligerence and ferocity and put a high emphasis on physical prowess and athletic ability (Fosty and Fosty 2020). Moreover, the rise of passionate manhood coincided with a reappraisal of what Adams (2020) calls “primitive masculinity”—a rising propensity to see men as beings of impulsivity and instinct, even as “animals” or “savages,” and to view this “brutish” side as the purest manifestation of manliness (168). The sport evolved as one of the most effective platforms for combating effeminacy and bestowing manliness as discontent with the new corporate world of male white-collar jobs and worries about cultural feminization and “over civilization” sparked attempts to renew manhood in new ways (Simons 2022, 111). Furthermore, the transformation of male identity throughout the 1880s and 1890s contributed to the acceptance—even necessity—of the roughness and brutality of games like hockey in developing a masculine character. Especially hard sports helped men build the physical strength and martial spirit essential to being a passionate man.

The historical context of hockey violence is essential for more than just the historical context it provides, it is also necessary for a complete comprehension of the brutality in modern hockey. The National Hockey League (NHL) and Hockey Canada have been under heavy fire for their brutality in the aftermath of instances involving sexual assault, sexism, machismo, homosexuality, and intimidation in sports and hockey culture in particular (Kenler and Knott-Fayle 2022, para. 3). For instance, the Bertuzzi case, in particular, has in the past reignited conversations about the issue of violence in NHL hockey. However, a historical perspective on the role of physical violence and intimidation in the game is one component of this discussion that has not gotten enough attention. The toxic masculinity in sports has therefore been brought to light by The Conversation Newspaper, which offers a comparative frame of reference that helps to emphasize the unique characteristics of current hockey violence and the social environment in which it is set.

Though contrasts between respectable and uncouth male ideals were obvious, those between middle-class and working-class ideas of masculinity needed to be more straightforward and rigorous. In organizations like fraternal orders, fire brigades, militia companies, and sports clubs, the concepts of a responsible, respectable earner and a roughneck coexisted (Magrath, Cleland, and Anderson 2019, 207). Although middle-class sports organizations aimed to mold young men’s masculine character in conformity with ethical ideals, players on amateur sports teams sometimes went beyond the bounds of proper conduct. Even the most middle-class sports clubs, like their equivalents among the fraternal organizations, were part of a more comprehensive male recreational culture (Adams 2020). As such, the sport tolerated a certain amount of manly roughness; hence definitions of manly are rarely challenged.

Moreover, while the NHL, as an organization, should regulate on-ice violence, it performs this function in a very specific way. Castillo and Sommers (2017) note that “in 1922, the National Hockey League (NHL) introduced Rule 56 which made “fisticuffs” an official part of the game” (676). Since that time, brutality and violence have become almost an integral part of any hockey game. At the same time, this state of affairs suits both the players and the fans. Moreover, the National Hockey League’s supplementary discipline regime promotes cruelty on and off the ice. Even though the NHL tries to prevent the formation of a negative reputation for players in the media, it simultaneously uses a system of punishments for hockey players for disciplinary violations and misconduct (Kennedy and Silva 2020). Violence is thus fairly common in hockey, both on and off the ice. It has, in turn, influenced certain public opinion about hockey.

Hockey and War

During the First World War, several Canadian ice hockey players joined the Canadian Expeditionary Forces (CEF). Organized senior and junior hockey leagues around the nation have proven to be successful recruiting tools for the CEF. Even though athletes from numerous sports represented their respective countries throughout the war, ice hockey was the only structured activity that resembled war in the early 20th century. For instance, in the years after Canadian Confederation, many Canadians praised the “manly” and often violent hockey game because they considered it a dependable and essential guardian of military readiness. Before the war started, Canadian hockey players had been taught to expect to do their “duty to the nation” (Goldstein 2021, 198). Hockey players were the most logical and best candidates for military duty by 1914.

Patriotism and culture are other aspects of hockey connected to war. The connection was a significant motivator for hockey players to enlist in the First World War. Despite this, the notion of Canada meant various things to different players, and hockey was sometimes the only thing that united divergent “hyphenated-Canadian” groups in a country struggling to define its identity (King 2010, 266). Some players wanted to represent their many immigrant groups inside the country, just like they had done on the ice. Others joined because they were proud to be Canadian or British. The study of Gordie Howe, one of the sport’s most successful and well-known players in the postwar era, serves as an excellent illustration of hockey and war. Throughout his long professional career, which spanned from 1946 to 1980, Howe exemplified many characteristics of the perfect hockey player by combining talent and scoring ability with tenacity, aggressiveness, and a willingness to fight when required (King 2010). Despite the difficult conditions of military life, Howe made his debut in the very first season after the end of World War II. This dedication to hockey and the culture of Canada in general, despite external factors, is one of the key characteristics of most hockey players.

In Canada, it would have been hard for the unit to avoid absorbing hockey players, whether or not they were picturesque. Youngsters who are used to using hockey sticks may be natural with rifles. Smith (2014) describes the Canadian Hockey players as people meant for the war by claiming that they were, “firing for hours during a hot and sustained engagement does not fatigue them as it otherwise would” (264). As a result of the abundance of players among the ranks, the battalion entered five teams in amateur competition. The six-team league, which had a reputation for unpredictable ownership, contract disputes, and severe violence, welcomed some of the country’s top players back to its rinks and gave its business-driven endeavor an excellent patriotic finale.

This period in history can be characterized by a decline in the perception of masculinity in both Canada and the United States. Silva and Kennedy (2022) contend that Howe exhibited the blend of restrained fury and manliness that his early public persona as the “Bashful Basher” in Detroit implied (138). Howe’s logical and skillful use of force, particularly in contrast to the emotive Fontinato, cemented his manliness within the hockey culture and positioned him as a “modern” but tough role model for male rebirth in postwar Canada (Silva and Kennedy 2022, 139). Hockey’s fighting culture was accepted and glorified by Howe’s example of sportsmanlike masculinity, and he also set an example for outstanding players that are being followed today. Howe’s way of being a man in Canadian culture helped solidify a dominant, heroic, white, heterosexist form of hockey masculinity.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this analysis considered male masculinity and sexism in connection to violence and historical battles in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Canada. In this case, the research examined conflicting media portrayals of rough and violent hockey. It has investigated the meanings of hockey within the broader history of manhood and masculinity in North America and analyzed hockey violence in the context of the Newspaper by the Conversation. Central Canadian newspapers produced hockey storylines during the 1907 campaign that included aspects of toxic masculinity and sexual violence. While expressing shock and alarm, descriptions of hockey as ‘brutal butchery’ also revealed a degree of public fascination with the game’s potential for violence. On the other hand, descriptions of hockey as a ‘strenuous spectacle’ portrayed the game as an electrifying public show of macho ferocity. These intricate stories could be expressed incredibly vividly because of the rivalry between the Ottawa Silver Seven and the Montreal Wanderers. Moreover, newspaper accounts of games between teams from different leagues showed that people had similar worries and thoughts about hockey violence.

References

Adams, Carly, ed. 2020. Sport and Recreation in Canadian History. Toronto: Human Kinetics Publishers.

Castillo, Henry L., and Sommers, Paul M. 2017. “An Analysis of Fights in the National Hockey League.” Open Journal of Statistics 7 (4): 678-688.

Fosty, Darril, and Fosty, George. 2020. Tribes: An International Hockey History. New York: Stryker-Indigo Publishing.

Goldstein, Jordan. 2021. Canada’s Holy Grail: Lord Stanley’s Political Motivation to Donate the Stanley Cup. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Kannen, Victoria, and Shyminsky, Neil, eds. 2019. The Spaces and Places of Canadian Popular Culture. Toronto: Canadian Scholars.

Kenler, Michael, and Knott-Fayle, Gabriel. 2022. Hockey Canada Scandal Highlights Toxic Masculinity in Sports. The Conversation. Web.

Kennedy, Liam, and Silva, Derek. 2020. ” “Discipline that hurts”: Punitive logics and governance in sport.” Punishment & Society 22 (5): 658-680.

Magrath, Rory, Cleland, Jamie, and Anderson, Eric, eds. 2019. The Palgrave Handbook of Masculinity and Sport. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

McKee, Taylor, and Forsyth, Janice. 2021. Canadian Sports Groups have Policed themselves for too Long and it isn’t Making Sports Safer. The Sports Integrity Initiative. Web.

Silva, Derek, and Kennedy, Liam, eds. 2022. Power Played: A Critical Criminology of Sport. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Simons, Willam, ed. 2022. The Cooperstown Symposium on Baseball and American Culture, 2019 and 2021. New York: McFarland Publishers.

Smith, Stephen. 2014. Puckstruck: Distracted, Delighted and Distressed by Canada’s Hockey Obsession. Vancouver: Greystone Books.