Paris City Cultural Pattern Research Paper

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Updated: Apr 12th, 2024

Paris is one of global cities where different cultures, values, beliefs, and social behavioural patterns are mixed as a result of historical and political processes. Paris as the capital of France inherited the main products of the French colonial politics that influenced the cultural pattern in the city.

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The main outcome of these processes is the development of the unique cross-cultural encounters that include the elements of both European and Islamic cultures (Fredette, 2011, p, 46).

In order to understand the key features of the Parisian culture that are connected with the traditional cross-cultural communication in this region, it is important to analyse its aspects in terms of hybridisation, stereotyping, and political influence.

Thus, the paper aims to answer the following question: what aspects of cross-cultural encounters are typical for Paris as well as what origins are associated with those modern intercultural interactions observed in the city.

In spite of the fact that the diversity of the Parisian culture is a result of prolonged processes, the main focus of this discussion is on the development of modern cross-cultural communication during the last two decades.

From this point, it is important to state that the modern Parisian culture includes different interdependent cultural groups that interact and influence each other significantly, while leading to creating the unique Parisian culture known as the blending of the European and Islamic cultures.

The Development of the Parisian Culture during the Period of 1990s-2010s

The Parisian culture of the 1990s was characterised by following the cross-cultural patterns typical for the previous decades. The main focus was on the increased flows of immigrants from the former colonial countries as Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia.

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In spite of the fact that the large flows of Muslim migrants were the result of the labour and immigration policies developed in the 1960s-1970s, the active arabisation of the city became observed only in the late 1980s.

The reason is that during the 1970s, the flows of immigrants and refugees also included people with the Vietnamese, African, and Caribbean origins (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014, p. 81).

Thus, the society paid attention to the arabisation of Paris only when the first mosques and centres of the Islamic culture became actively built in Paris (Ogan, Willnat, Pennington, & Bashir, 2014, p. 31).

Therefore, it is important to conclude that during the period of 1990s-2000s, the interactions of the Algerians, Moroccans, people with the Vietnamese and Caribbean origins, and other Muslims developed according to the patterns typical for the era of post-colonialism in France.

The situation changed in 2000s-2010s, when the impact of the European nations on the French culture increased significantly, and the conflict in the cross-cultural interactions intensified because of being based on the cultural, religious, and political misconceptions.

The 1999 census in France demonstrated that the number of immigrants from the European countries increased significantly, and the immigrants from Italy, Spain, and Portugal were represented as 45% in comparison with 39% of immigrants from the African countries (Meng & Meurs, 2009, p. 129).

However, although the racial and cultural pattern of Paris became more diverse, the visible presence of Islam in the city increased in contrast to the development of principles of the European integration in France.

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Concepts Important to Discuss Cross-Cultural Interactions in Paris

To start the detailed analysis of the cross-cultural encounters typical for the Parisian culture, it is necessary to explain such concepts guiding the discussion as hybridisation, stereotyping, and political impact.

Cultural Hybridisation

Hybridisation is the cultural process typical for the post-colonial era, during which interacting cultures partially change and transform while acquiring the features of each other (Rozbicki & Ndege, 2012).

The result of such processes is the construction of the new mixed cultural pattern based on the historical memory and having the features of cultures typical for minorities, different ethnicities and identities (Gaviria & Emontspool, 2015, p. 182).

The domination of one culture is changed with the contamination of elements characteristic for several cultures, and this result of cross-cultural relationships leads to creating the unique hybrid culture, identity, and knowledge.

Stereotyping

Stereotypes are simplified meanings and rather standard associations that are used by people in order to speak about the members of other racial, ethnic, or cultural groups.

While focusing on cultural stereotypes, representatives of different cultures are inclined to ignore individual differences typical for persons as well as avoid the deep understanding of the unknown culture (Ogan et al., 2014, p. 28).

In many cases, stereotypes as generalisations of behaviours typical for members of different cultural groups are not supported with cultural studies.

Politics of Cross-Cultural Encounters

Cross-cultural and intercultural encounters at different territories are highly influenced by political processes and they lead to consequences in the form of political decisions.

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In order to regulate intercultural encounters and avoid conflicts typical for cross-cultural relations, the tools of politics are used to determine regulations for colonialism, migration, and even tourism (Rozbicki & Ndege, 2012).

In this context, politics regulates the relations of cultures within social networks while determining the areas of impact in intercultural encounters. Still, the results of political regulation of cross-cultural relations are often new conflicts and racial aggression.

The Aspects of Cultural Hybridisation in Paris

Paris can be discussed as the city that is open to the active cultural hybridisation in terms of traditions, values, customs, cuisine, language, and art.

The population of Paris is often discussed as transethnic and demonstrating all the features typical for hybridisation, especially while referring to the Maghrebi-French identity.

For instance, the French language used by the Moroccans in Paris known as the Maghrebi French significantly differs from the pure French language used by the native Parisians because it is characterised by the pronunciation and melodic pattern typical for Arabic languages.

There are also differences in the art. The immigrants from Maghreb often follow the culture of the Berbers, and they bring it to the Parisian environment.

When the pure Parisian art is westernised and represented in paintings, architecture, and literature, the art of the Berbers follows the Arabic patterns, and it is represented in leather goods, jewellery, and unique woven carpets (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014, p. 24).

However, those Maghrebis who live in Paris during a long period of time are inclined to mix their cultural heritage with the Parisian culture while contributing to hybridisation.

The other examples of the cultural hybridisation in Paris are musical traditions combining the elements of the Arab and French music, the mixed cuisine, linguistic changes, and patterns in architecture and art (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014, p. 59).

Thus, the culture of poor suburbs in Paris inhabited by the Algerians and Moroccans gave the origin to the unique mixed art developed in Paris that assimilated the elements of the Islamic culture into the French culture.

While focusing on the social causes of the cultural hybridisation, it is important to emphasise intermarriages.

People born in Paris during the period of 1970s-1980s were often brought up by mixed couples, and the era of the 1990s resulted in the social appearance of the active youth who were tolerant and open to cross-cultural interactions (Meng & Meurs, 2009, p. 128).

The revolts of students against the racial discrimination in the city and the whole country became the particular feature of the 1990s. As a result, today the majority of the Parisian residents note that they have the hybrid identity because of their family backgrounds, and this aspect makes their social interactions easier.

In spite of the fact that the blended cultures resulted in developing the tolerant attitudes in the Parisians to different races and ethnicities, there are still conflicts among the citizens of Paris that are based on the religious background because of the problems of non-conformity and ‘otherness’.

The process of arabisation promoted by the Muslims in Paris in the 1990s was in contrary to the focus of many French people, including authorities, on the Muslims’ integration in the Parisian culture.

The result of these processes is the hybrid Parisian culture that developed in opposition to the political movements in the country as a social process, involving people who developed their intercultural connections (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014).

Thus, many Parisians identify themselves as French Muslims who were born in mixed families or adopted Islam because of changes in their views.

In 2000s-2010s, the Islamic communities of Paris focused on accentuating the details of the Islamic culture as unique in the context of Paris through building mosques, cultural centres, and new bazaars.

However, the real effect of such processes is the further interaction of cultures associated with the Parisians’ interest in different traditions.

Therefore, it is also impossible to speak about the processes of integration because the French people also inherit the Islamic culture in form of music, language, and art (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014, p. 29). One of the reasons of such processes is the fact that the culture of Paris was never truly homogenous.

Stereotyping in the Parisian Culture

In the Parisian culture, the problem of stereotyping is a consequence of migration rates increased in the 1980s-1990s, and it results in the prejudiced attitude toward the representatives of the Islamic religious groups and other migrants from the North African region.

During the period of 1990s, many French perceived migrants in Paris as poorly educated and illiterate, and this fact influenced the segmentation of labour in the city and the problem of disadvantaging the immigrant minorities (Fredette, 2011, p. 46).

In opposition to this stereotype, the Muslims developed their own stereotypes regarding the French according to which the French are seen as highly individualistic and intolerant.

The development of such stereotypes was supported by the fact that before the 2000s, the French regarded the Muslims as problematic citizens who avoided integration in the French culture (Fredette, 2011; Kidd & Reynolds, 2014).

The era of 2000s led to the development of new stereotypes regarding the Muslims among the dominant French population in Paris.

The events of 2001 in the United States affected the public opinion in Paris as a global city significantly, and the level of anti-Muslim attitudes and even hatred against the Islamic culture increased in comparison with the data for the 1990s (Ogan et al., 2014, p. 30).

Still, the Parisians are inclined to develop the strong movements against stereotyping and racism in the society, and they actively support the idea of equality in the social environments of Paris in order to fight social injustice in relation to cross-cultural interactions (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014).

The reason is that the blending of French and Islamic cultures influences each aspect of the social life in the city and reduces the focus of the citizens on stereotypes.

The Role of Politics to Influence Cross-Cultural Encounters

The religious and racial conflicts within the Parisian culture are the results of prolonged interrelationships developed between the Muslims and Europeans, and they are also the result of colonialism and specific politics selected by the French government in order to regulate the problematic issues.

During the era of the 1990s, the Parisian culture was significantly politically charged in terms of revising the laws regarding the immigration in France. In the 1990s, the politics regulated the key aspects of immigration from the countries of Maghreb (Kidd & Reynolds, 2014).

The situation changed in the 2000s-2010s because of the increases in levels of migration and tourism between the European countries that resulted in changing the cultural patterns observed in Paris.

The improvements in the principles of cooperation between the European countries led to intensifying connections in the sphere of education, business, and art.

As a result, the authorities in France focused on separating the church and the state while banning the wearing of the hijab by the Muslim women in public places in 2004 (Wagner, Sen, Permanadeli, & Howarth, 2012, p. 522). The main focus was on accentuating the homogeneous French culture dependent on the integration of Muslims.

Nevertheless, the actual result of the law was the increased opposition of the Islamic groups in Paris because the political authorities failed to see the culture of France as hybrid, multi-faceted, and dynamic.

In order to address the religious activism and the increased number of Islamic movements affecting the cross-cultural relations in Paris and France in the 2010s, the authorities focused on promoting the exchange of knowledge between nations in order to change the attitudes of the Parisians to minorities in the culturally diverse city (Meng & Meurs, 2009, p. 129).

The reason is in the necessity to improve the cross-cultural communication and to affect the peaceful co-existence of communities in the context of increased racial, ethnic, and cultural conflicts developed in the world communities.

Conclusion

The Parisian culture can be discussed as a result of the prolonged cross-cultural interactions of the people of Arabic and European origins caused by the eras of colonialism and further post-colonial cooperation. This mixed culture has the features of opposite traditions and value systems based on the differences in religions.

The modern urban environments of Paris can be considered as the visual representations of the cultural blending that affects the city’s life. In spite of a range of anti-Muslim stereotypes in the world and France, the Parisians work to develop their cross-cultural relations in the most peaceful manner, and the youth activism plays the key role in overcoming the racial and religious prejudice.

However, not all decisions made by the French authorities can be discussed as effective to address intercultural problems.

The laws of 2004 banning the wearing of hijab by the Muslim women were significantly opposed by the Islamic community because they violated the values of the French Muslims that discuss themselves as equal members of the Parisian society.

The actions of the authorities could be analysed in case of developing globalisation tendencies, but the uniqueness of the Parisian culture is in the fact that a representative of any culture can feel comfortable in Paris as the global city.

Therefore, modern regulations are more appropriate to address the cross-cultural interactions in the region.

References

Fredette, J. (2011). Social movements and the state’s construction of identity: The case of Muslims in France. Studies in Law, Politics, and Society, 54(1), 45-75.

Gaviria, P., & Emontspool, J. (2015). Global cities and cultural experimentation: Cosmopolitan-local connections. International Marketing Review, 32(2), 181-199.

Kidd, W., & Reynolds, S. (2014). Contemporary French cultural studies. New York, NY: Routledge.

Meng, X., & Meurs, D. (2009). Intermarriage, language, and economic assimilation process: A case study of France. International Journal of Manpower, 30(1/2), 127-144.

Ogan, C., Willnat, L., Pennington, R., & Bashir, M. (2014). The rise of anti-Muslim prejudice: Media and Islamophobia in Europe and the United States. International Communication Gazette, 76(1), 27-46.

Rozbicki, M., & Ndege, G. (2012). Cross-cultural history and the domestication of otherness. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

Wagner, W., Sen, R., Permanadeli, R., & Howarth, S. (2012). The veil and Muslim women’s identity: Cultural pressures and resistance to stereotyping. Culture Psychology, 18(4), 521-541.

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