The Tsou people are one of fourteen aboriginal groups in Taiwan. They live in the mountainous areas of the Chiayi, the Nantou, and the Kaohsiung counties. The Tsou people experienced a dramatic change during the Japanese colonial period in terms of their lifestyle, economic activities, and culture. This paper discusses the concept of Orientalism, Go-between, and cultural hybridity. This paper will explore the following questions: Why was Japan itself an orientalist? What role did Tsou youths play in the colonial education system? And what were the motivations behind this role? What cultural hybridity occurred during this time? This paper will first talk about Japan’s Orientalism over the Taiwanese aboriginals. Later, it will analyze how Tsou youths played the role as a go-between that led to the following changes: the emergence of a capitalist economy; the emergence of foreign popular cultures; the decreasing use of the Tsou language; the collapse of traditional social hierarchy, and social practices. At the same time, it will also analyze why Tsou youths wanted to play the role of go-between. Finally, it will discuss cultural hybridity. In conclusion, I will argue that Japan was an Orientalist based on its ideology and practices. The Japanese adopted the strategy of assimilating the younger generation of the Tsou people through education that greatly affected the Tsou people in terms of their lifestyle and culture. Most importantly, Tsou youths were the go-between between the Japanese and the older generations of the Tsou people. The reason why Tsou wanted to play the role of a go-between is that they wanted to “connect” to mainstream Japanese society. Therefore, they pursued “modernity” (grew cash crops, spoke Japanese, listened to Japanese popular music, played western sports games), “science” (destroyed the witch class, stopped practicing tooth extraction), and economic benefits (spoke Japanese, grew cash crops, stopped practicing headhunting and cultural hybridity was that they liked to dance while singing Japanese popular songs. Evidence from Tsou students’ diaries, lecture notes, and letters are used to support the arguments.
Orientalism
During the Japanese colonial period, Japan had its Orientalism. The Japanese had two types of Orientalism: One is the ideology, and another is the approach (practices). For the ideology, the Japanese had their stereotype and bias against the Taiwanese aboriginals (including the Tsou people) that the Taiwanese aboriginals were uncivilized. Therefore, they should be civilized. As Edward Said says, “The Orient is seen as separate, eccentric, backward, silently different, sensual, and passive… The Oriental is a single image, a sweeping generalization, a stereotype that crosses countless cultural and national boundaries.” Said’s words say that the West had been stereotyped and biased against the East. In 1868 the Meiji Emperor waged the Meiji Restoration and westernization. Japan fully adopted western technology, cultural, military, political, and legal systems. Japan became a mighty country, and it defeated China in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). Since China was defeated, China was forced to cede Taiwan and a huge indemnity to Japan. Since then, Japan has become the only non-west major power in the world. The Japanese felt proud, and they looked down on other Asian people. For example, in 1896, the Japanese colonial government sent an article to the Japanese central government that “The Gaosa (the Taiwanese aboriginals) had no civilization at all… What they have are all childish things: tattoos, headhunting, witchcraft…” This colonial government’s report shows that the Japanese are biased and had a biased and single image that the Taiwanese aboriginals are savages. Another example is that novels which depict the images of the Taiwanese aboriginals were very popular at that time in Japan. These novels’ authors had never been to Taiwan, but they all depicted the Taiwanese aboriginals were evil that they loved headhunting and practice witchcraft to curse the Japanese. These novels’ biased opinion shows that the Japanese had Orientalism in their mind.
Despite ideologies, the Japanese also have their Orientalism in terms of practice. Since 1895, the colonial government started to hire Han Taiwanese who could speak at least one aboriginal language (most of them were traders or Qing officials) to teach Japanese anthropologists aboriginal languages. The Japanese colonial governments then ordered these anthropologists to visit native tribes and take photos of the aboriginals to gather first-hand information about native cultures. Besides, the colonial government also ordered anthropologists to translate aboriginal texts that were written in Latin alphabets by educated aboriginals (the Presbyterian church’s missionaries went to Taiwan since the mid-19th century, and they taught Taiwanese aboriginals to use Latin alphabets to write their languages because Taiwanese aboriginals had no written system). Once the aboriginal texts were translated, and photos were taken, the Japanese then asked Japanese scholars to edit Japanese perspective textbooks for the Taiwanese aboriginals and established compulsory public schools for the Taiwanese aboriginals, Fan Ren Gong Xue Xiao. Both the textbooks and aboriginal schools were used to civilize the Taiwanese aboriginals for the purpose of colonial rule to reduce natives’ resistance against the Japanese. Therefore, the process that the Japanese did was to understand the native culture first and then translate native texts, and finally control the knowledge of the Taiwanese aboriginals (Similar to what Kapil Raj and Bernard Cohn argument that the British studied, and then translated Indian languages and texts to control the knowledge of the Indians.) Edward Said says, “Orientalism is a Western-style for dominating, reconstructing and having authority over the Orient.” Said says that Orientalism is westerners’ reconstruct and control over the East. Therefore, Japanese colonialism is a type of Orientalism in terms of its practices.
Go-Between
During the Japanese colonial period, Tsou youths played the role of go-between. Go-between means “a person who acts as an agent between two people or more in a transaction.”The following seven paragraphs talk about Tsou youths’ role as a go-between in different aspects of social changes. It will focus on explaining why Tsou youths wanted to play the role of go-between.
The first change was in economic activities. Before the Japanese colonial period, men went hunting for wild boar, bird, deer, fish, and hare. Women grew rice in shifting cultivation. Tsou women usually worked on a piece of farmland for 18 months, and then they worked another piece of farmland for farming. Colonial education played an important role in the change of economic activities from shifting cultivation and hunting to sedentary farming. Firstly, teachers taught students that hunting, gathering, and shifting cultivation were uncivilized. For example, a student’s dairy said the following in 1918: “My friends and me feel sad that we (the Tsou people) are so backward”….Mr. Komoto (a Japanese teacher) said the following in the class: “The earliest human beings lived for eating. They did not have any spare time to develop their civilizations. Those barbarians were childish, and they did not know the benefits of sedentary farming… We are humans so we should behave differently from animals.” This shows the Japanese used the excuse of modernity to urge Tsou youths to change their economic activities. Secondly, Japanese teachers promoted the benefits of sedentary farming. For example, a Tsou boy wrote the following in his diary in 1923: “Today, Mr. Minoru told us the importance of sedentary farming. Mr. Minoru said that sedentary farming is not only a symbol of modernity, but it also improves the economy of our families. We can grow cash crops and then sell them to others for purchasing food, modern products, and bigger houses in return… This is a great news for us.” This shows the Japanese used economic benefits to urge Tsou youths to change their economic activities. Because of the pursuit of modernity and economic benefits, Tsou youths abandoned their traditions of hunting and shifting cultivation. Due to the influence of Tsou youths and some families that became richer after growing tea and betel nuts, many Tsou adults started to grow tea and betel nuts and then sold their crops to the Japanese or the Han Taiwanese. For example, in 1920, only 13% of Tsou aged over 30 grew betel nuts and tea, but ten years later, this figure rose to 43%. These two figures show the older generations were deeply influenced by Tsou youths. In order to earn more money, the Tsou people burnt forests to expand the areas of their farmlands. For example, the total area of farmland for tea plantations doubled from 1925 to 1930.
The second change was the decreasing use of the Tsou language. Before the Japanese colonial period, the Tsou people only spoke Tsou. During the Japanese colonial period, the Tsou language started to decline, while the Japanese became an influential language. Japanese teachers did not ban or punish those students who spoke Tsou at schools. There were several reasons that led to Japanese teachers’ tolerance. Firstly, Japanese teachers knew that it was very difficult for a person to quit using his mother tongue in a short period of time. Secondly, Japanese teachers knew that the Tsou people would rebel if their mother tongue was forbidden, and the Tsou people’s rebellion would lead to the failure of assimilation policies. On the other hand, Japanese teachers wisely adopted several measures to make Tsou students speak Japanese. Firstly, Japanese teachers promoted the benefits of speaking Japanese. For example, a young boy wrote the following in his diary in1928: “Miss Haruna said speaking fluent Japanese is good for us because we can get better jobs in Japanese companies and earn more money in the future.” This example shows that the Japanese used their economic advantage to persuade Tsou youths to speak Japanese. Secondly, Japanese teachers presented the Japanese language as a language of modernity. For example, Keinrohgi, a Tsou boy, recorded his teacher’s words as follows in 1927: “Mr. Funabashi talked about modernity and civilization today…. In order to show that we are modern, we have to speak Japanese or western European languages, because this is the symbol that we are more modern than the others.” This example shows that Japanese teachers used the excuse of modernity to urge Tsou youths to speak Japanese. Both of the above two measures made Tsou youths believe that speaking Japanese was a symbol of modernity and a tool to become successful in the future (This is similar to today’s non-native English speakers who like to speak English to show their English ability). As a result, Tsou youths liked to speak Japanese with their friends and classmates at schools and outside schools. They increased their use of the Japanese language. According to a statistic, the percentage of youths who used Tsou to communicate with their friends and classmates in and outside schools dropped from 96% in 1910 to 26% in 1945. This example shows that colonial education brought a huge decline in the use of the Tsou language. Also, due to the frequent use of the younger generation, many middle-aged or older Tsou people could also understand limited Japanese. For example, in 1920, 72% of them who were aged over 30 could not understand any Japanese, but ten years later, this figure dropped to 33%. Based on this figure, we can see that the older generations were influenced by Tsou youths.
The third change was the collapse of the witch class. Before the Japanese colonial period, witches were responsible for holding religious ceremonies, getting rid of disasters, and curing people’s illnesses. Witches were highly respected by their people. During the Japanese colonial period, the witch class became extinct. Japanese teachers adopted several measures for decreasing the influence of witches. Firstly, Japanese teachers taught Tsou students biology and basic knowledge of western medicine. For example, Goilada, a Tsou boy, mentioned witches as follows in 1921: “I do not believe what those witches said. Their theories and words lacks scientific evidence… I urged my father to go to see the doctors at health centres, because those doctors are certified Japanese doctors. Besides, all diagnoses are free of charge.” This example shows Tsou youths believed in modern western medicine and science. Youths did not believe in witches’ ability to cure people. Secondly, Japanese teachers taught students that witches could not prevent natural disasters. For example, a Tsou girl told her parents as follows in 1925: “My teacher told us that flood, drought, and typhoons are all caused by air molecules…I think witches are all liars, because they could not prevent any natural disaster.” This shows that Tsou youths questioned witches’ ability to prevent natural disasters. Both of the above examples show that the Japanese teachers used science to challenge witches’ social class. By 1926, witches had no support among youths. On the other hand, middle and old-aged people still believed in witches, but because of the youths’ influence, many of them started to question the ability of witches. The witch class became extinct in 1942. As a result, many traditional rituals became extinct, such as the Rain Dance, the Spring Dance, and the Spirit Dance. Based on the change between 1926 and 1942, we can see the older generations were influenced by Tsou youths.
The fourth change was the popularity of foreign cultures. Before the Japanese colonial period, the Tsou people had never encountered foreign sports and music. Colonial schools offered sports classes for students, and teachers taught students how to play soccer, basketball, volleyball, and baseball. Foreign sports were very popular among Tsou youths because they believed that playing modern sports was a symbol of modernity and fashion. Among all foreign sports, Tsou youths loved baseball the most because baseball was the most popular sport in Japan. For example, a young boy said the flowing in his diary in 1932, “No one dislikes to play baseball in my class. Even girls love it… Everyone loves this fashionable game so much” This example shows baseball was the symbol of modernity. Another example is a lecture note by a boy who says the following in 1929: “We are so happy that Mr. Niisake praised us that we are very modern because, in many parts of Japan, baseball was not as popular as here.” This example shows that Tsou youths wanted to be classified as members of modern society.” Usually, many boys played baseball on their schools’ playgrounds after school. They did not go home right away because their parents would ask them to farm. Some students joined baseball, volleyball, soccer, basketball, and athletics varsities for competing in annual sports meetings. Because of the youths’ influence, many Tsou parents and the elders found baseball to be an interesting game, so they started to play it. For example, in 1920, only two baseball teams formed by the Tsou who were over 30 years old, but ten years later, this figure rose to 13.” Based on the change of figures, we can see many elder ones were influenced by Tsou youths.
At the same time, Japanese pop music spread through radios and schools. Tsou youths preferred Japanese popular songs to traditional songs. The reason why Tsou youths preferred Japanese popular songs was that Japanese popular songs were a symbol of modernity. For example, Bruntaga, a Tsou boy, said the following in his diary in 1929: “Today, we went to a riverbank to have a singing competition. Everyone laughed at Guahynromu because he had a low-pitching voice… Thanks to Japanese composers that, we can enjoy such beautiful songs. Maybe one day, we can sing these songs with Japanese students to show that we are not backward at all.” This example shows that Tsou youths wanted to be considered members of modern society. Another example is a letter by a Tsou youth in 1926. The letter reads: “Many students said that I am uncivilized because I do not listen to Japanese popular music. I feel that only few people want to be my friends now… What should I do?” This example shows that most Tsou youths considered that listening to Japanese popular music was a symbol of modernity.” The most popular Japanese singers were Ichiro Fujiyama, Chiyoko Sato, and Katsutaro Kouta. Because youths frequently sang Japanese popular songs, many Tsou parents and the elders started to accept Japanese popular music. For example, in the annual singing contest (participants were required to be over 35 years old), only 16% sang Japanese popular music in 1926, but ten years later, this figure rose to 42%.” Based on the change of figures, we can see many elder ones were influenced by Tsou youths. By 1935, traditional Tsou songs became “religious music”, which were only sung in religious practices.
The fifth change was the extinction of traditional social practices. Before the Japanese colonial period, the Tsou people had a tradition of headhunting. There were several reasons why the Tsou people had the tradition of headhunting. Firstly, headhunting was used for revenging their rivals. Secondly, headhunting was a ritual to stop floods, droughts, famines, and diseases. The Tsou people believed disasters were punishments from Nivenu, the highest-ranked goddess in the Tsou religion. Thirdly, headhunting was a symbol of braveness. Women preferred men who could hunt more human heads. Japanese teachers adopted several measures to destroy the tradition of headhunting. Firstly, Japanese teachers taught Tsou students that headhunting would prevent a person from being accepted by mainstream Japanese society. For example, a Japanese teacher Hatzumori said in 1913, “More heads you hunt, more barriers for you to get succeed in the future.” This example shows Japanese teachers used economic opportunities to make students challenge the tradition of headhunting. Secondly, both teachers and textbooks taught Tsou students scientific knowledge that all-natural disasters were caused by weather instead of gods. For example, Foihanu, a Tsou girl, said the following in her diary in 1911: “Mr. Goto is really a hard working teacher. He spent two hours on explaining the formation of a typhoon by using his self-made earth model and maps…He concluded that natural disasters are nothing related to religions.” This example shows Japanese teachers did their best to make students believe in science. Both of the above measures made Tsou youths believe that headhunting was an unscientific tradition and a barrier to their future career success. Due to Tsou youths’ influence, the older generations started to believe that headhunting was nothing related to natural disasters. By 1918, the practice of headhunting was extinct among Tsou youths. Twelve years later, the practice of headhunting was extinct among the Tsou people. These two figures show the older generations were deeply influenced by Tsou youths.
Another traditional social practice that became extinct was tooth extraction. Before the Japanese colonial period, the Tsou people had a long history of practicing tooth extraction. The reason why the Tsou people had this tradition was that tooth extraction was a symbol of adulthood (the Tsou people had their two incisors and two Canine teeth extracted at the age between 8 and 16). For the Tsou people, an adult with no tooth extraction would be considered timid, ugly, and immature. Only a person with tooth extraction could get married and attend social meetings. Colonial schools used several practices to destroy the tradition of tooth extraction. Firstly, a textbook said as follows in 1908: “according to medical research, tooth extraction may bring tetanus.” This teaching made Tsou youths dislike tooth extraction because they had a strong belief in western medicine and science. Secondly, Japanese teachers used economic reasons to make Tsou youths stop practicing tooth extraction. For example, a Japanese teacher said the following in 1915 “tooth extraction is a symbol of the lowest social class.” This teacher’s words made Tsou students quit this practice because they desired to be accepted by mainstream Japanese society for their future success. Due to the influence of Tsou youths, the older generations started to consider tooth extraction a dangerous manner that could lead people to death. By 1921, the practice of tooth extraction was extinct among Tsou youths. Eighteen years later, the practice of tooth extraction was extinct among the Tsou people. These two figures show the older generations were deeply influenced by Tsou youths.
Based on the changes of the Tsou life and culture, Tsou youths played a very important role in transforming Tsou society. Therefore, Tsou youths were go-between Japanese teachers and the rest of Tsou people (similar to Mestizo women and children played the role of go-between as interpreters between Jesuits and Brazilian aboriginals to make the rest of Brazilian aboriginals get baptized). The reason why Tsou wanted to play the role of go-between is that they wanted to “connect” to mainstream Japanese society. Therefore, they pursued modernity, science, and economic benefits. (Similar to East Asian youths who like to go to McDonald’s because they want to connect with the rest of the world, and they consider going to McDonald’s is a symbol of modernity.)
Hybridity
Because of Tsou youths’ role of go-between, they were also the initiators of hybrid cultures. Hybridity means “Something of mixed origin or composition.” As Anthony Pym argues, there always have cultural hybridity while culture influences another culture. For Tsou youths, they created hybridity in music. In Japan, popular music singers would stand while singing. On the other hand, Tsou youths like to dance while singing Japanese songs. This is because, in Tsou culture, people always dance while singing. In a 1931 diary by a Japanese merchant, it says, “They (the Tsuo youths) like to dance while singing Enka (Japanese popular music)… They are so lively and never get tired… It is the most impressive image for the Tsou people.” This merchant’s words say that the Tsuo youths like to dance while singing Japanese popular music. Another example is a diary written by a schoolboy in 1935. It says the following: “I am so happy that I dance better than Ayalniu (a schoolboy who hosts the singing competition at his home) and other students while singing Fujiyama’s songs (Japanese popular songs)… He (Ayalniu) said he could dance better than those straw men (Japanese students who were sons or daughters of Japanese officials, teachers, policemen, and doctors) based on his peep on the singing contest last week… Everyone laughed.” This diary says that Tsou youths like to dance while singing Japanese popular songs, but the Japanese do not sing while singing. Therefore, Tsou youths had their own cultural hybridity (similar to Wampanoags’s Christianity had the element of Wampanoags’ traditions and beliefs).