Presentation of Reading: Ronald Caplan’s Annie and John Battiste: A Mi’kmaq Family History
Many traditional societies relied on oral tradition to pass down their history from one generation to the other. One of the major disadvantages of this strategy is that the fine details of the history may be altered by the narrator (Lockerby, 2004). A case in point is the Aborigines of North America, including the Mi’kmaq people. Until recently, the Mi’kmaq recorded their history through oral traditions. It is only after they started interacting with the Europeans in the early 17th century that their history started to be recorded through writing. Consequently, most of what is known today about this community is drawn from the 17th century (Caplan, 1996).
In Annie and John Battiste: A Mi’kmaq Family History, Caplan (1996) tells the story of a Mi’kmaq family as it interacts with the Europeans. The text is an account of the experiences of the members of this family within a society that was transiting from a traditional to a modern way of life. The transition is brought about by the arrival of the missionaries on the island.
Discussion Questions Regarding the Text
A number of questions are made apparent when one reads the text by Caplan (1996).
What was the life of the Mi’kmaq families like before the arrival of the missionaries?
This question is pertinent given that little is known about the Mi’kmaq communities before the arrival of the missionaries in the early 17th century (Lockerby, 2004).
What was the impact of the missionaries on the traditional language of the Mi’kmaq?
In the text, we read how Eleanor, John and Annie’s eldest child, was taken to a missionary school in Shubenacadie (Caplan, 1996). The school taught the children English, and Eleanor forgot the little Mi’kmaq she knew before joining the institution.
What was the impact of the missionaries on the traditional Mi’kmaq religion?
Today, most people from Mi’kmaq communities practice the Catholic faith. The school at Shubenacadie was run by Catholic nuns (Caplan, 1996). It is apparent that the arrival of the missionaries forced many people in the community to forget their traditional religion, such as the existence of mntu and the significance of Glooscap.
A Synopsis of the Main Points in the Text
The text by Caplan (1996) provides a narrative of the Mi’kmaq way of life after the arrival of the missionaries. The reader is left wondering what life was like before the story of John, Annie, and their family was recorded. Another point to note in the text is that the Mi’kmaq form of education is changing. For example, children like Eleanor are now taken to missionary schools. They are no longer taught by their elders through oral tradition (Lockerby, 2004).
The economic structure of the Mi’kmaq people is also changing in the text. Traditionally, the community relied on hunting and gathering (Caplan, 1996). However, the arrival of the missionaries led to the monetization of the economy. For example, John had to go to Maine to look for work. He intended to use the proceeds from his work to pay for commodities sold in the government store in Eskasoni (Caplan, 1996).
Another salient feature made apparent in the text is the change in the religion of the Mi’kmaq people. In the story, we read of people and places with Christian names. The names of some of the characters are, among others, John, Annie, Eleanor, and Thomas (Caplan, 1996). We also read of St. Mary’s School. All of these are Christian names. The traditional names and ways of life appear to have been lost to the Mi’kmaq people.
Research Paper: The Traditional Culture of the Mi’kmaq Community
The history and culture of the Mi’kmaq people before the arrival of the Europeans in the Maritimes is not well known. The reason is that the community relied on oral traditions to pass down its cultural history from one generation to the other (Hornborg, 2008). The oral tradition includes myths, legends, and folklores told to the children by the elders. Some information is lost across the generations. Much of what is known today about this community’s traditional way of life was made evident after the arrival of the Europeans. The missionaries taught the Mi’kmaq how to write. Consequently, the missionaries and the educated Mi’kmaqs were able to write down the history of the community. However, most of the details regarding the community’s way of life before the advent of modern education remain unknown (Lockerby, 2004).
In this research paper, the author will explore the traditional culture of the Mi’kmaq community as captured in written and oral traditions. To this end, the author will analyze the community’s oral tradition, including myths, legends, and folklores. The paper will also look into Mi’kmaq’s traditional language, family and social structures, clothing, as well as economic activities.
The Mi’kmaq People: Background Information
According to Hornborg (2008), the Mi’kmaq people are indigenous to the Maritime region in Canada. They are also to be found in Quebec’s Gaspe Peninsula. In addition, there are Mi’kmaq communities in Newfoundland and Maine. Today, the community is made up of about 65,000 individuals (Lockerby, 2004). Before the arrival of the missionaries at the Maritime Provinces, the community was largely isolated from the rest of the world. The isolation can be seen in the differences between the Mi’kmaq language spoken by these people and other Algonquian dialect. According to Dean Snow, an archeologist who has studied this community for a long time, Mi’kmaq is a form of Algonquian language (Hornborg, 2008). However, the variation between the two dialects suggests that the Mi’kmaq developed independent of other civilizations prior to the arrival of the missionaries.
Most of the historical books and other texts about the traditional way of life of the Mi’kmaq reflect the accounts of the first Europeans who came into contact with this community in the early 17th century (Caplan, 1996). Most of these Europeans were missionaries sent from France to come and convert the Mi’kmaq people into Catholicism. They included, among others, Father Pierre Biard (Hornborg, 2008). The priest operated in Nova Scotia between 1611 and 1613. There is also Nicolas Denys. The explorer came to conduct trade in the region between 1632 and 1670. Others are Frank Speck and Dean Snow, who were scholars in the traditional way of life of this community.
The Oral Tradition of the Mi’kmaq People: Myths, Legends, and Folklore
Myths
Most myths in traditional societies are used to explain, among others, the existence of the community. A case in point is the Mi’kmaq’s creation story. The story explains the link between the creator, the people, and the universe (Hornborg, 2008). According to Lockerby (2004), Gisoolg features prominently in the community’s creation myth. The term is used in reference to the Great Spirit Creator. The spirit, who is not gender specific, created everything in the Mi’kmaq world.
The community also believes in Nisgam (Hornborg, 2008). The sun came into being with the help of Gisoolg, its master. It is believed that the Creator gave the Mi’kmaq Ootsitgamoo. It is the land occupied by this community. Other aspects of the community’s creation story involve the Glooscap, Nogami, Netaoansom, and Neganogonimgosseesgo (Lockerby, 2004).
Legends
There are several legends in the Mi’kmaq community. They are used to create a connection between the people and the environment (Lockerby, 2004). An example is Muin, the Bear’s Child, and The Hand of the Medicine Man. The former tells the story of a wicked man who sought to get rid of his stepson. The man’s action attracted the wrath of Glooscap (Hornborg, 2008). Among other things, the legend explains the existence of the split at Cape Blomidon. In the latter legend, the story is told of a medicine man that came to the rescue of a village along the shores of Kejimkujik Lake. The village was ravaged by a plague that was targeting the children. The medicine man was able to find a cure with the help of the spirits. As he was giving thanks to the creator along the shores of the lake, he placed his palm down to support his weight. The legend is used to explain the existence of an imprint of a child’s palm along the shores of the lake (Hornborg, 2008).
Folklore
Folklore is a collection of fictional folktales used for various purposes in the community (Lockerby, 2004). They are used, for example, to provide moral lessons and to entertain the people. An example of a famous folktale in Mi’kmaq is The Invisible One (Hornborg, 2008). The story tells of how a girl who was always mistreated by her elder siblings ended up marrying the best, albeit mythical, bachelor in the village. The tale is used to highlight the importance of honesty and humility (Hornborg, 2008).
The Language of the Traditional Mi’kmaq
As already indicated, the traditional Mi’kmaq language was closely related to the Algonkian dialect (Lockerby, 2004). However, some of the attributes of this language got lost as a result of the influence of the missionaries on this community. The missionaries introduced French and English to the Mi’kmaq people (Caplan, 1996). For example, English was used as the major language in missionary schools. Most children from the Mi’kmaq community were forbidden from speaking their traditional language in school (Caplan, 1996). Considering that most of these children were separated from their families for long durations of time, the transfer of the traditional language from one generation to the other was affected.
Today, only about 10,900 Mi’kmaq speak the traditional language (Lockerby, 2004). Most of these individuals are found in Canada and the US. Like other languages, Mi’kmaq is made up of both vowels and consonants. The doubling of the consonants, as well as use of these clusters to begin sentences, is a unique characteristic of the language (Hornborg, 2008). Examples of such words include eNNmit, gesigaWWeg, GTa’n, and asgeTG (Hornborg, 2008). Respectively, the words mean “stick into”, “loud”, “ocean”, and “investigate”.
Mi’kmaq’s Family and Social Structure
Government and politics
According to Hornborg (2008), the community occupied a significant section of the northeastern part of North America. Scholars believe that the community had occupied this region for more than 10 millennia before they started interacting with the outside world. The figure below is a representation of the land occupied by the Mi’kmaq:
As illustrated in the figure above, the land was made up of seven districts. According to historians, the people were found in small villages within the districts (Lockerby, 2004). Each village was made up of between 50 and 500 persons. Each of the districts was governed by a chief and his council of elders (Lockerby, 2004).
It is important to note that the traditional Mi’kmaq society was democratic in nature. What this means is that the leaders were chosen by the citizens (Hornborg, 2008). Unlike other traditional societies, hereditary chiefs were non-existent in the land of the Mi’kmaq. On the contrary, the leaders were selected on merit. The society was patriarchal in nature. What this means is that the chiefs were men of unquestionable character. However, women could become elders, albeit under the command of the chiefs.
The structure of the traditional Mi’kmaq family
Family was an important institution to the traditional Mi’kmaq. The extended family was the major unit of the community (Caplan, 1996). The family structure was basically patriarchal in nature. It was led by a man, also called a sagamaw (Lockerby, 2004). The men were allowed to marry more than one wife, but this was optional. At times, the man’s sons and daughters would live within his compound together with their families. The size of the family was largely determined by the availability of food. For example, in areas where food was in plenty, large families came together to create bands (Hornborg, 2008). In summer, the number of individuals in these groups could swell to about 500. The men would hunt together as the women took care of the children and the homestead.
Marriage in traditional Mi’kmaq communities
Marriage was an important rite of passage in this community. After attaining physical maturity, girls could be married off by their families (Caplan, 1996). On their part, boys were only permitted to get a wife and start a family after killing their first moose. A young man would identify a girl that interests him and approach her parents. He would request to be allowed to live with the girl’s family for a period of between 12 and 36 months. The duration was regarded as a trial period. The young man would hunt and fish for his bride’s family. In addition, he was expected to make all the tools required to head a family. The tools included, among others, weapons and boats. On her part, the bride proved her worth by taking care of her suitor (Hornborg, 2008). If the two were deemed compatible by their families and the other members of the community, they were allowed to get married. After marriage, the couple could stick with either of the two families or set out on their own to start a family (Hornborg, 2008).
Mi’kmaq’s Traditional Clothing
Wild animals, fish, and the forest in general were important parts of the Mi’kmaq community. Consequently, the three elements informed the design and type of the traditional society’s clothing attributes. For example, the skins of the hunted animals were used to make different types of clothes (Lockerby, 2004). Deer and moose were especially popular in the traditional community. The hides were used to make shoes and dresses. The quills of porcupines were used as accessories to accentuate the beauty of the attire. The Europeans and the missionaries had an impact on the traditional clothing styles of this community. For example, the visitors introduced glass beads and cotton clothes.
Before the arrival of the missionaries, traditional Mi’kmaq communities sew their clothes using tendons that were fashioned into threads (Hornborg, 2008). Bones from the fish and other wild animals were used as needles. Again, the influence of the Europeans is seen with the introduction of metal needles, which were used by Mi’kmaqs to sew clothes. However, like other communities, the Mi’kmaq people in contemporary society have made efforts to preserve their traditional clothes. For example, today, chiefs with elegant headdresses made of feathers and other traditional materials are visible in Mi’kmaq’s cultural events.
The Economic Activities of the Traditional Mi’kmaq Communities
Traditionally, Mi’kmaq communities were engaged in hunting and gathering. The environment and rugged nature of their territory made it hard for them to rely on conventional agriculture and trade to make a living (Lockerby, 2004). According to Hornborg (2008), the forests and the sea were the lifeline of this community. Consequently, most Mi’kmaq families led a migratory lifestyle. The pattern of the migration was informed by the prevailing weather and the availability of a particular source of food.
In early January, the people would hunt seals to make a living (Hornborg, 2008). They would then move inland to hunt forest dwelling animals. Such animals included bear, caribou, and moose. Spring was a time of plenty for these communities. Migratory birds and fish were in abundance. From May to September, fishing was the major economic activity.
However, it is important to note that the traditional way of life described above may not be an accurate account of how these people spent their lives before the arrival of the missionaries. The reason is that the narrative is provided by early missionaries and explorers, who came into contact with the Mi’kmaq in the early 17th century (Caplan, 1996). The explorers may only be describing the activities of a community that was trying to fit into the modern world. For example, it is possible that the Mi’kmaq may have been moving to the coast during the warmer months of the year to meet with the European traders. In the absence of the Europeans, there is no telling whether or not this way of life would have existed.
Conclusion
Most traditional societies used oral tradition to preserve their history. The tradition involved myths, legends, and folklores. Oral tradition is not an accurate way of preserving the history of a given community. The reason is that the strategy relies heavily on the memory of the narrator and the ability of the listener to recall the information at a later date. Most of the elements of the Mi’kmaq traditional society known to people in the modern society reflect the accounts of early explorers and missionaries. The life of this community prior to the arrival of the Europeans is not well known. The narratives of the missionaries, traders, and scholars that came into contact with this community paint a picture of a society with a rich cultural heritage. However, this heritage was eroded over time by the influence of the newcomers. The missionaries, for example, introduced a new language, money, and Christianity to the Mi’kmaq. In spite of this, efforts have been made by scholars and governments to preserve the heritage of this community.
References
Caplan, R. (1996). Annie and John Battiste: A Mi’kmaq family history. In R. Caplan (Ed.), Cape Breton works (pp. 163-184). Cape Breton: Breton Books.
Hornborg, A. (2008). Mi’kmaq landscapes: From animism to sacred ecology. New York: Routledge.
Lockerby, E. (2004). Ancient Mi’kmaq customs: A shaman’s revelations. The Canadian Journal of Native Studies, 24(2), 403-423.