Introduction
The inception of education brought more good than harm. Today, people can go to school and learn new things and ideas. For example, through classroom knowledge, a citizen of United States can master the whole history of another country, say Spain. Additionally, the geographical knowledge learnt in class, has helped a lot in terms of stating the exact position of a country or state. Geographical information leads us to a country in Europe called Spain. Located in the southwestern part of Europe, Spain is one country that forms the league of European Union.
It is surrounded by the Mediterranean Sea, Atlantic Ocean and other European countries like France, United Kingdom’s Gibraltar Island, Portugal, and Andorra. With two islands Balearic and Canary, the Spanish territory is approximately 504, 030 kilometre squared. This makes it one of the biggest countries in Europe; in fact, the second after France in terms of land size. Pending it geographical location in Western Europe, Spain poses among countries that experienced diverse challenges during prehistoric times.
However, no amount of challenge witnessed overcome Spanish citizens and today, its legacy is found everywhere in the world. Today, there are over 500 million people spread all over the world who speak Spanish language, thanks to the role that Spain played in the modern era, which led to this marvelous legacy. Just like any other democracy in the world, Spain is among countries that have a parliamentary system of governance. Nevertheless, this system of governance falls under a constitutional monarchy headed by the King. Like in United Kingdom’s royal family, monarch administration is heritable. Spain is one country with an interesting government structure. (Keatings 1-3).
The Politics of Spain
Political developments occurring in the 18th century saw Spain become a democratic that divides its governance structure into three arms of government. Although the parliamentary system occurs under the constitutional monarchy, the Monarch does not participate in government decisions. The functional role of the Monarch is to preside over state ceremonies, that is, the Monarch leads the State as the head. After a successful general election, the Monarch (Head of State) appoints a political party leader who enjoys vast support in the legislature to form government.
The executive authority of the Spanish government rests under the Prime Minister who is chosen by the Monarch. Nevertheless, the chosen leader must garner majority votes in the lower house to be declared Prime Minister. Another arm of Spanish government is the legislature. Spain has two congress chambers. Finally, there is an independent Judiciary, which does not rely on the executive or parliament in order to execute its mandate. In other words, it is purely independent of the other two arms of Spanish government. (Spanish Constitution of 1978 1).
Executive Power
Since the constitution of Spain mandates a political party with majority seats in parliament to form the government, the executive power rests on cabinet ministers under the leadership of the Prime Minister. First of all, the King must nominate names into the lower house to be voted for the post of Prime Minister. The nominated candidate must garner majority votes in the lower house. In case this does not happen, Members of Parliament in the lower house vote for the second time but this time round, the candidate requires simple majority votes to be declared winner.
Nevertheless, the Head of State must confirm the winner and appoint him or her as Prime Minister. The prime minister will then appoint members to serve in the council of ministers but the King must confirm the names for them to be council members. The prime minister coordinates and supervises all arms of the government including government ministries. In other countries, this appears to be contradictory. In other countries, the president or prime minister appoints ministers but it is parliament that approves them. (Spanish Constitution of 1978 1).
Like Spain, the Canadian system of ascendancy roots from the legislature but also under a legitimate dominion called monarch. The monarch serves as the basis of the three arms of government namely, executive, legislative and judiciary. The Queen is the Head of State just like the King in Spain. Canada does not have a Canadian as the Queen and Head of State but instead, Queen Elizabeth II serves as the Head of State in Canada. This is because Canada is among the sixteen Commonwealth countries, which have Queen Elizabeth II serving as the Head of State.
Nonetheless, since the Queen does not reside in Canada, she appoints a governor general to represent her exercise royal functions. Nevertheless, like Spain, the royal statures have restricted powers of governance. At the helm of Canadian governance structure is the Prime Minister together with lieutenants who administer government institutions, say ministries. In order to exhibit government stability, the Head of State, in this case the governor general chooses the leader of a political party with majority seats in the House of Commons as Prime Minister. There after, the prime mister appoints a committee of members to serve in the Cabinet. (Johnson 134-149).
However, this is a different case with the government structure of United States of America. United States poses as a federal constitutional republic made up of fifty states and one federal district. The representative democracy of United States allow majority rule but also, the respect of minority rights through legislation. Unlike Spain, united states constitute a federal system of governance that divides the government into three tiers namely federal, local and state.
The president, elected through college votes, assumes executive powers. Interestingly, the President of United States has enormous executive powers. Nevertheless, the constitution of United States mandated the president to farm out some of these powers to Members of the Cabinet. In this federal system of governance, the President acts as the head of government and state, head of United States military and the principal ambassador. The President appoints Cabinet members prior to approval by members of the Senate.
Legislature
The citizens of Spain elect members to serve as legislators for a period of four terms. The legislature in Spain comprises of two chambers. The first chamber is the senate and the second one is Congress of Deputies. During national elections, Spanish citizens elect members who will serve in the two chambers as legislators, and that the two are contemporaneous lasting up to four years maximum. Nevertheless, the two chambers are similar in their own ways, and dissimilar to certain extent.
Overall, the two chambers pose with two unique differences. Starting from the electorate, members to serve in the two chambers come for all provinces in order to reflect the composition of Spain. The population of a given province together with its land size determines the number of Congress seats a certain province receives. This means that, the higher the population, the bigger the number of Congress seats for a populated province.
Each province, with the exclusion of two very small provinces Ceuta and Melilla, must elect two Congress representatives irrespective of the population. Thereafter, the constitution allows additional seats to every province based on its population and proportion. Some provinces like Madrid have 35 Congress seat while small provinces like Soria elect only two representatives to Congress. The demographic reports in Spain suggest that representatives from small provinces serve smaller number of voters than their counterparts from populated provinces. (Keatings 1-3).
On the other hand, the mode of electing senate members seems to differ with that of Congress. The only similarity is that senate elects members according to provinces. However, unlike Congress seats, population and proportion are not determinants of Senate representation. Partial bloc voting system determines senate representation.
Furthermore, constitutional Autonomous legislatures grant senator seats. The two chambers play an imperative role in enacting legislations. Nevertheless, the Congress of Deputies and Senate show a discrepancy when it comes to legislative power. The enactment and passing of laws is a sole prerogative of Congress. The role of the Senate is to make amendments or turn down enacted laws, but of course with reason. In other circumstances, Congress may choose to pay no attention to the Senate regarding amendments and pass the legislation that way.
Like in Spain, the federal government of United States of America consists of legislature that invests its powers in Congress. Congress divides into two chambers, the House of Representatives, which is an equivalent of Congress of Deputies and the Senate. Unlike Congress deputies in Spain who serve a four-year term, members to the House of Representatives serve a two-year term. Population and proportion are also determinants of House of Representative seats.
The number of people in a given American State determines the number of administrative zones and representation in Congress. On the other hand, population in a given state does not determine Senate representation. Instead, every American State elects two members to the Senate to serve for a maximum of six years. The two chambers perform varied roles. Among the many senate roles is to endorse presidential selections including cabinet secretaries and other senior officials.
On the other hand, the role of the House of Representatives is to introduce new bills aimed at generating revenue to the central government. The two chambers play an equal role when it comes to legislation and the new law or bill must receive a presidential signature for it to become a law. In situations where the president declines to sign the legislation, Congress will have to amend it. Otherwise, the declined legislation requires two-third Congress votes to become law without the President’s signature.
Like Spain, Canada has two chambers that make legislature. Nevertheless, Canadian legislature is one of its own kinds. Just like in United States and Spain, Canada has a Senate and the House of Commons. The governor general who is the representative of the Queen (Head of State), exercises state powers by appointing 105 members to the Senate. This occurs under the counsel of the prime minister. Unlike Spain and United States, the citizenry has no role in choosing senate members. The lower house comprise of 305 Members of Parliament voted by Canadian registered voters. There are 308 electoral districts in Canada determined by population and proportion.
Thus, each electoral district has one representative to the House of Commons. The parliamentary term for a member to the House of Commons lasts for four years after which the country votes again. Unlike United States and Spain, the House of Commons in Canada seem to wield enormous legislative powers. The enactment of new legislation is a prerogative of the lower house, House of Commons. The bill enacted in the House of Commons has a high probability of becoming law because neither the senate nor the monarch has powers to oppose such legislations. Nevertheless, the senate can discuss the enacted legislation without amending it. The bill will then receive royal assent to become law. (Forsey 1-3).
Administrative Divisions
Countries divide into small administrative units for easier jurisdiction. There are 17 such administrative units in Spain, which seem to hold the political supremacy of Spain forcefully. In Spain, the constitutional making process was a rigorous one. At the end of it all, Spanish citizens opted for a parliamentary system of governance. So as to exhibit the diversity of Spanish communities, the authorities enacted the Statute of Autonomy to become the fundamental law behind the creation of autonomous communities. This statute has identifies autonomous communities according to their chronological distinctiveness, territorial restrictions, its identity as a government institution, and their privileges and rights as enshrined in the constitution.
Each autonomous community forms its own government structure that divides into three branches. Firstly, an autonomous community must have a Legislative Assembly. The Legislative Assembly comprises representatives elected through a system known as universal suffrage. Significantly, the Legislative Assembly within an autonomous community must have a proportional representation from all territorial units that make up an autonomous community. Secondly, within an autonomous community, there is a governing council comprising of the executive and organizational units. (Spanish Constitution of 1978 1).
The president heads the governing council of an autonomous community. Among the roles of the Legislative Assembly is to elect the president who will then await nomination from the Head of State. Lastly, every autonomous community in Spain comprises of a Supreme Court of Justice to look after judicial matters affecting an autonomous community. Thus, it is clear that autonomous communities are governments of their own and exhibit strong executive, legislative and regional powers. Each autonomous community has its own system of allocating powers as depicted in the Statute of Autonomy.
For example autonomous communities classified as historic like Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia, and Andalusia yield so much power than other autonomous communities. Some of these autonomous communities are now countries but under the central government of Spain. In the recent times, the presidents of historic autonomous communities have gone ahead to fix regional election timetable initially outlined to be four years in the Statute of Autonomy. This is because; these historic autonomous communities believe that they have enormous powers to dictate developments within their autonomous communities. (Elazar 5-18).
Autonomous Communities in Spain
The establishment of autonomous communities in Spain was a gradual process that took place between 1979 and 1983. Throughout the four year period, Spanish citizens engaged in dialogue and conversations to integrate all communities into autonomous communities. These meant that communities would govern themselves under the central government. Nevertheless, the debate continued up to 1996 when Island regions near Morocco, Ceuta and Melilla, became autonomous communities and formed their own government. The first communities to receive autonomy were Catalonia, Basque Country and Galicia.
The process of awarding autonomy to these communities was never complicate as the constitution identified them as historical nationalities. The Statute of Autonomy established communities under a province to receive autonomy. In order to receive autonomy, communities had to meet all requirements set out by Congress. Thus, the time framework of awarding autonomy to Spanish communities depended on how fast the community worked to achieve the laid conditions. Some communities had to struggle in order to receive autonomy for example, Andalusia. (Johnson 1-32).
On the other hand, some communities that had similar historical distinctiveness and incorporated by two or more territorial units (provinces), were eligible for autonomy and these include Valencian Community, Aragon, Castile-La Mancha, Castilla y Leon and Extremadura. Smaller communities living in Spanish Islands like Canary Islands (made up of two provinces) and Balearic Islands received sovereignty as insular tribes. Some communities having one province recognized as an historical unit received autonomy to make them autonomous communities. These include Navarra, La Rioja, Cantabria, Region of Murcia and Asturias.
Lastly, there was national interest as to why Madrid never received autonomy despite comprising a huge population. Consequently, the Spanish Parliament amended the Statute of Autonomy and granted autonomy to the Community of Madrid to become an autonomous community. It is clear that comminutes with one or two provinces received autonomy if they met Congress requirements. However, the cities of Melilla and Ceuta received autonomy through the Spanish legislature. Historical research shows that communities that received autonomy without struggling to meet the requirements exhibit extreme capabilities and high tiers of self-sufficiency. Nevertheless, as time goes by, the emergence of new skills will see other communities reach high tiers of sovereignty and competency. (Agranoff 1-8).
Autonomous Communities of Spain and Spanish Politics
Autonomous communities dominate Spanish politics. However, political forces based in autonomous units and the ethno territorial agreements have yielded into political social and economic stability of Spain. It is never easy to understand Spanish politics unless one takes closer look on the two basic dimensions behind it. Year after year, Spanish citizens engage in constructive politics aimed at stabilizing their country, economically and socially. There is the Left against Right dimension, and also the idea of debating on national state against the pluri-national state.
These two dimensions are the architects of Spanish politics. Notably, every Spanish citizen hold views that tally with the two dimensions. Many political analysts differ on certain constitutional clauses of the Spanish Constitution. For example, the Spanish Constitution identifies Spain as a Nation. There is no contention here and at least everybody understands so. However, there is also another Constitutional clause that identifies Spain as a Nation established through Nationalities and Regions.
The bone of contention lies in the fact that Nation and Nationality are synonyms and therefore imply one thing. Under this debate, two wings arose with different views. There are those who opted to Spain as the Nation State while others settled on Spain as a prurinational state. Disparities in views mean that political parties had to negotiate in order to strike a common deal. The creation of autonomous communities as territorial units brought some balance in Spanish Constitution without favoring any dimension. (Conversi 1).
Nevertheless, autonomous communities have been in constant debate due to background diversities. In the past, acts of ethnic confrontation have led to some rejecting the system and instead call for a presidential system like the one applied in united sates. Unlike in France which is a National State, the citizens of Spain believe in diversity and plurality. This is what led to federalization or creation of autonomous communities to promote symmetry among ethnic groups. Nevertheless, ethno territorial conflicts have not stopped Spain from political, social and economic stabilization. Autonomous communities often look forward to form one historical unit.
Researchers identify ethnic and linguistic miscellany as the root cause of dissension in Spanish politics. Successful autonomous communities fail to recognize those that are emerging. Since the creation of autonomous communities, Spain has continued to exhibit lack of congruence among these communities that form regional governments. What is worrying is that, within an autonomous community, there are diverse ethnic and cultural multiplicities leading to distrust. For example, Catalonia and Basque Country considered stable economically, sometimes experience mayhem arising from ethnic and cultural assortments. (Spanish Constitution of 1978 1).
Francoism and national unity
The creation of autonomous communities arose because some communities wanted to have their own system of governance. The idea to have autonomy in Spain started as early as time of civil war. Citizens from Catalonia, Basque Country and Galicia wanted to create their own administrative unit and do away with the central government. Nevertheless, the Constitutional process of initiating such desires seemed out of reach.
In fact, other regions showed interest in the same only to fear the long constitutional legal process. Little by little, the process continued to widen to all parts of Spain. Civil War broke out in Europe and an army General, Franco, led a military coup and ascendant to power. Political centralization ensued once again largely because General Franco appeared dictatorial in order to silence the growing resurgence from Spanish regions. The unification of regions in order to forge for regional governments failed as Franco applied anti-communism and anti-separatism to fix the resurgent regions or communities demanding self-rule.
Even as communities demanded self-rule, General Franco was busy extirpating and repressing any kind of autonomy or regionalism arising from Spanish communities. Franco’s idea of national unity could not work and instead, autonomy dogmas continued to pile into an ideology, which the dictatorial regime sought to dismiss. Historical analysts suggest that linguistic and literary containment excited ethno territorial jingoism and autonomism later to be experience in Spain. It took Spanish communities quite long period of time to realize their dream.
Nothing could detriment the ethic diversity of Spanish communities. The dogma of Francoism meant to get rid of tribal and linguistic differences did not bear any fruit. Not even centralism and authoritarianism affiliated with Franco’s political life dared Spanish communities from guarding their cultural and ethic diversities. However, this era came to an end in 1975 following the death of General Franco. It is clear Spanish communities are a force behind Spanish politics. The fact that these communities never abandoned their linguistic and cultural diversity and instead forged ahead with their idea of autonomism is a sure proof of their presence in Spanish politics. (Elazar 5-18).
The creation of autonomous communities is imperative to Spanish politics. The idea resulted into formation of regional governments for social, political and economic immovability of Spanish communities. For example, autonomous communities have narrowed the fissure between common citizens and centers of power. Additionally, regional governments are useful in eliminating poverty, creating jobs and initiating development agendas.
Multiple Ethnoterritorial Concurrence
Since 1975, there has been major political and territorial progress in Spain especially from communities. Interestingly, autonomous communities have been at the forefront shaping Spanish politics. The idea of self-governance by autonomous communities has brought peace and tranquility in Spain hence, democratic decentralization. Inter ethnic conflicts once experienced in Spain are no more because autonomous communities have played an imperative political role aimed at inter-territorial solidarity rather than tribal conflicts. Spanish autonomous communities have been vibrant institutions of economic stability within Europe.
Indeed, autonomous communities have enacted pieces of legislation out of political good will to promote investment in their regions. Rich autonomous communities like Catalonia, Bisque Country and Madrid have successfully enacted excellent regional policies to draw foreign investments, promote tourism and build more industries. Ironically, some autonomous communities for example, Basque and Catalan have an accumulated wealth equivalent to that of some European states. Through autonomous communities, tax revenue spreads equitably to all regions for equitable development. Regional governments run schools, universities, proffer health care services to Spanish, promote cultural activities and help the central government to develop underdeveloped regions. (Agranoff 1-17).
The politics of autonomous communities is imperative to decentralization and political stability in Spain. For example, historical nationalities like Catalan, Basque and Galician have formed political mobilization blueprints aimed at socio-economic and cultural integration. Autonomous communities help the central government to collect revenue by enacting new legislations adaptable in the region. Additionally, autonomous communities are the chief architects of political parties that shape Spanish politics and democracy.
Autonomous communities created out of historical identity helped to shape legitimate politics in Spain. For example, Basque and Catalan autonomous communities resisted iron rule during Franco era and opted to forge ahead despite suppression. This resistance shaped modern Spanish politics enjoyed through regional democratic decentralization. Today, Spaniards enjoy hard won freedom realized through struggle against Francoism. Political resistance from autonomous communities towards Franco’s administration created a platform of change that led to democratic decentralization.
These autonomies might have mobilized its members to reject nationalism and instead embrace regional self-governance. For instance, historical autonomies together with Franco’s opponents expressed political displeasure towards the regime, which exhibited all manner abuses including denouncing of cultural beliefs. The quest for democracy and social values continue to shape Spanish politics to the right direction. (Agranoff 20-28).
Spanish parliament comprise of elected members serving under Catalan and Basque political parties. This has ensured consolidation of autonomous communities with other two levels of government in order to foster political development. Down in autonomous communities, political leaders constructively engage in active politics like forming coalitions and new political parties hence, promoting political principles through federalization. The formation of new political and organizations like Conservatives, Communists, Radica Socialists, Independent Leftists, Centrists and Social Democrats injects vitality and vigor into Spanish national politics. Significantly, political negotiations in autonomous community tiers help to promote bilateral rapport among the two centers of power.
Basque, which the most competent and successful autonomous community in Spain is looking forward to form an autonomous state through Basque nationalism. The whole idea centers on the dimension of national state versus plurinational state. On the other hand, other autonomous communities want to control their fiscal spending without involving the central government. For example, Catalan autonomous community is busy championing an independent political ideology, Catalanism, which will allow an autonomous financial system just like the one operational in Basque Country autonomous community.
Galicia appears to follow suit by assuming certain central state powers within the region. However, there is caution towards the same for fear of loosing radical nationalism that identifies all autonomous communities as part of the larger Spain. Although Basque and Catalonia behave like independent countries, citizens ailing from these autonomous communities recognize themselves as Spaniards. Despite diverse linguistic and ethnic disparities exhibited among autonomous communities, the spirit of nationalism is deeply rooted and nobody disowns Spain as mother country. (Kincaid 41-43).
Conclusion
Spanish autonomous communities just like Canadian provinces and American states, are imperative in shaping the country’s political system. Through autonomous communities, Spain is undergoing federalization aimed at strengthening its government institutions and national values. Autonomous administration units shorten the gap between government and the common citizens.
This is a devolved system of governance that brings state services to where citizens can easily access them. Since the creation of autonomous communities, Spaniards have enjoyed state services with ease. Decentralization of power into smaller administrative units eases political and managerial progressions in a country without loosing nationalism. Nevertheless, Spanish citizens are cautious never to lose their identity irrespective of their linguistic or ethno territorial units. The creation of autonomous units is just a step towards nationalism and not political quantification.
Beside self-sufficiency, autonomous units create opportunities for socio-economic growth. Nonetheless, the system has its own anomalies especially those related with greed, ethnicity and tribalism in order to establish a new political modernization. Autonomous communities play a vital role in political integration and proliferation of positive regionalism. Through autonomous regions, different ethnic and linguistic communities have learnt to accommodate each other irrespective of their tribe or region.
Works Cited
Agranoff, Robert. Intergovernmental Politics and Policy: Building Federal Arrangements in Spain, Regional Politics and Policy: An International Journal, 2005, 4, 1-28.
Conversi, Daniele. The Smooth Transition: Spain’s 1978 Constitution and the Nationalities Question. National Identities, 4(3), 2002. Web.
Elazar, Daniel. From Statism to Federalism: A Paradigm Shift. Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 25(2), 1995, 5-18.
Forsey, Eugene. How Canadians Govern Themselves. (6 ed.). Ottawa: Queen’s Printer for Canada. 2005. Web.
Johnson, David. Thinking government: public sector management in Canada (2nd ed.). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 2006. Print.
Keatings, Michael. Federalism and the Balance of Power in European States. Support for Improvement in Governance and Management. 2002. Web.
Kincaid, John. Values and Value Transfers in Federalism, Journal of Federalism 25, 1995, 41-43.
Spanish Constitution of 1978. Chapter 3. Autonomous Communities. 147th Article. 1978. Web.