The Change of Canadian Indigenous Hunting History Research Paper

Introduction

Hunting remains a fundamental source of food for the Indigenous people. it has changed progressively to incorporate game conversation, imposed regulations, and the use of more efficient methods and tools. The survival of the Aborigines relied on their comprehensive understanding of the flora and fauna in their territory, the utilization of rudimentary tools and methods. For instance, the Martu Aboriginal people used blowpipes, arrows, bush burning, controlled anthropogenic fires, and prodding techniques to force the goannas and other burrows out of their hiding place¹. However, these strategies have increasingly been replaced by significantly efficient approaches and tools, such as firearms for hunting large land animals and nylon fishing nets². Despite the advancement of this source of livelihood, the need to regulate the utilization of natural resources, replenish the food supply, and maintain the land formed a critical part of the Indigenous peoples’ practices. Although hunting and gathering constituted a fundamental subsistence resource for the Aboriginals, it progressively integrated environmental management and conservation habits, protecting biodiversity and ecosystems.

Hunting Among the Indigenous People

For thousands of years, the Aboriginal people have used the environment for their sustenance, extracting their food through hunting and gathering. The wildlife continues to form a fundamental source of bush food obtained through a set of collection methods which have been characterized by continuous evolution. Notably, accumulating this wide variety of foodstuff required the utilization of an efficient, multifunctional skill technology, and a considerable set of practical skills. Traditionally, these communities hunted using rudimentary tools, such as spears carved from sharpened stones, small daggers, blowpipes, bows, arrows, snares, firetraps for smoking burrowing animals from underground, and calls and whistles to attract animals³. They hunted during the daytime along the trails in the wildlife or from canoes in the water bodies. Additionally, the Indigenous people utilized the assistance of hunting dogs and tamed dingoes to track, chase, and capture their targets⁴. However, in later years, firearms were integrated into the hunting practices as they sought more efficient means of food acquisition. The Aboriginals’ prey included lizards, fish, turtles, goannas, possums, bison, kangaroos, wild turkeys, emus, and anteaters.

The Indigenous people had expansive knowledge about their environment, animal habitats, seasons, and forest ecology. They viewed animals as an integral constituent of nature fundamental to their survival. The hunting practices, although rudimentary and unsophisticated, ensured the preservation of the ecosystem and the regeneration of their food sources. In this regard, the Indigenous communities learned to harness fires skillfully to promote the growth of useful food plants and vegetation and attract game for hunting⁵. Similarly, the Aboriginals avoided the depletion of the natural resources through their nomadic lifestyle, in which they settled in new areas once their prey fell to a particular level. McKemey et al.⁶ assert that, over time, Indigenous hunters effectively used cross-cultural science to manage their environment and food sources. This practice has been inherited through intergenerational knowledge transfer as an adaptive survival skill and a strategy to enhance food security. Over the years, the Aboriginals hunting practices have changed significantly by adopting efficient hunting practices, such as using firearms, and integrated deliberate conservation practices to protect the ecosystem and preserve diversity.

Traditional Hunting Practices of the Aborigines

Hunting is the cultural heritage and the predominant lifestyle through which the Indigenous people acquire their food. It remains an integral activity and forms an essential constituent of their diet. Notably, the Indigenous communities utilized a wide array of hunting paraphernalia, skills, and methods, which were designed to target different prey living in various habitats. For instance, these people used anthropogenic fires to smoke burrowing animals from their underground hideouts⁷. The growth of the fresh, rejuvenated vegetation would help to lure browsers and other grazers, making them easy to hunt⁸. Fire dependency was used to enhance food security, ecosystem diversity, and environmental management⁹. Other hunting practices included using tamed dingoes and hunting dogs to flush, track, chase, and capture the prey¹⁰. Although women primarily concentrated on gathering native fruits, seeds, insects, and honey, they would also hunt smaller animals, such as goannas and lizards. Conversely, men were preoccupied with capturing bigger prey, such as kangaroos, possums, anteaters, emus, and dugongs.

The primary hunting practices involved tracking, whistling, and calling to attract prey, using snares, traps, and fire. These techniques were supplemented by an array of efficient and multifunctional tools and skills, such as sharpened knives carved from rocks, spears, boomerangs, and harpoons. For instance, the dugongs would be speared, dragged, and held underwater until it was easy to retrieve¹¹. Similarly, the Aboriginals from the Great Plains, including the Cree, led the bison to cliffs, where they would be captured after the immobilizing fall from the ridge¹². The Indigenous communities adopted a nomadic lifestyle which followed the preys’ migratory patterns, fished, and hunted a range of freshwater and marine species, which was mainly conducted in shallow pools and along the beaches¹³. The Inuit waded into the waters, paddled canoes, and other watercrafts, such as plank-built boats, spearing and harpooning the sea creatures as the primary methods through which marine animals were captured. Other strategies included poisoning the waters with specific plants, such as tanggul, which were pounded and thrown in ponds, forcing the fish to rise to the surface.

Changing Indigenous Hunting Practices

The Indigenous peoples’ hunting practices have changed significantly over the years, particularly after the arrival of white settlers. Following the colonialists’ settlement, the Aboriginals were increasingly compelled to relinquish vast swathes of land through brutal attacks, leading to the subsequent reduction in their hunting radius. Consequently, some of their previous and culturally anchored hunting methods and practices were no longer feasible. Additionally, these Indigenous communities had to adopt more efficient and effective technology and tools applicable in small zones. For instance, the controlled anthropogenic fires were no longer sustainable, and the Inuit people had to acquire firearms, hunt intensively, and adopt conservation-oriented practices¹⁴. Although the marines are culturally and socially important to numerous coastal indigenous communities, the adversarial implications of anthropogenic climate changes on the productivity and ecology have necessitated environmentally friendly fishing¹⁵. Therefore, these changes seek to enhance the Aboriginals’ survival, promote the regeneration of the ecosystem, and encourage conservation.

Food Harvesting Strategies and Ecological Adaptive Management

Canadian Indigenous communities have been integral in the management and monitoring of natural resources for millennia. They have always viewed themselves and the animals as interdependent vital to nature, with this holistic perspective enhancing the sustainable extraction and exploitation of the ecological systems in which they inhabit. While Indigenous communities’ participation in conservation practices has largely been informal, policy makers and researchers are advocating the benefits of these activities and the Aboriginals’ knowledge systems for the sustenance of the socio-ecological systems. This multi-faceted strategy recognizes the long-standing capacity of the Indigenous people and intends to integrate modern practices to reinforce their socio-ecological monitoring systems. For instance, Gitga’at hunters and communities residing in the Yukon River Basin closely monitored their coastal, land, and sea-based practices for adaptive management¹⁶. These efforts were enhanced through co-management and integration of scientific approaches situated within the existing Indigenous priorities and framework. Similarly, the Inuit’s traditional ecological knowledge in adaptation and climate change within the Canadian Arctic environment reflected changing habits, particularly regarding areas such as flexibility in response to seasonal hunting cycles and resource utilization.

Integration of Scientific Knowledge and Disruptive Effects of Legislative Actions

Canadian Aborigines had to adapt to changes and external influences, which had far-reaching effects on their hunting practices. The Metis, First Nations, and other communities instituted scientifically designed conservation initiatives to enhance the holistic protection of the ecosystems and preserve their traditional lifestyles. For instance, partnerships between the community and scientists have seen the adoption of modern and sustainable hunting and fishing technologies and ensure that the imposed land and marine agreements are followed effectively. However, some of these strategies were incompatible with the conventional strategies, leading to the radical change in the operational modalities of these communities. While some of these practices were outlawed and disrupted by colonial governments, they were co-opted and realigned with the various legislative actions, which suppressed traditional methods. The restoration of the Indigenous communities’ priority to marine and other wildlife resources has contributed to the regeneration of critical food sources such as Dungeness crabs¹⁷. In this regard, legislative proposals and regulations changed the Aboriginals’ hunting practices significantly.

New Hunting and Fishing Materials and the Practice’s Commercialization

In many instances, fishing and hunting practices progressively incorporated new materials and became commercialized. For instance, nylon fishing nets replaced those made from bush fiber while fencing wires were converted into metal hooks. Firearms, aluminum dinghies, crowbars, and car springs increasingly replaced spears, dugouts, boomerangs, digging sticks, and adzes to enhance their efficiency and effectiveness. For instance, the declining sustainability and practicality of fire and stick hunting necessitated the utilization of firearms for greater precision. These transformations in the technological sophistication, material culture, and economic orientation became expansive and corresponded to the increasing reach of colonialists¹⁸. The progressive assimilation with the Euro-Canadian societies meant increased dependency on the outside world for material needs, such as ammunition¹⁹. These events accelerated the emergence and subsequent proliferation of commercialization of what was previously a subsistence practice. For instance, whaling and hunting of seals which were used for domestic dietary purposes were later conducted for commercial interests by the Inuit and First Nations. Therefore, these events and practices significantly changed the hunting operations of the Canadian Indigenous communities.

Conclusion

Hunting is an integral part of the history, heritage, and culture of the Canadian Indigenous communities. Bushfood constituted an essential part of their diet, and they used a wide array of methods, skills, and paraphernalia for hunting and fishing. This tradition was largely subsistence and was underlined by the desire to preserve the ecosystem to protect and replenish their food supply. These practices have changed significantly through the progressive adoption of new fishing and hunting equipment, integration of conservation ideals, commercialization, and the disruption occasioned by the legislative actions of colonialists and governments.

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Footnotes

1. Nikolakis William D. and Emma Roberts, “Indigenous Fire Management: A Conceptual Model from Literature,” Ecology and Society 25, no. 4 (2020): 11.
2. Kim-Ly Thompson, Cameron Hill, Jaime Ojeda, Natalie C. Ban, and Chris R. Picard, “Indigenous Food Harvesting as Social–Ecological Monitoring: A Case Study with the Gitga’at First Nation,” People and Nature 2, no. 4 (2020): 1085–1099.
3. Nickolakis and Roberts, “Indigenous Fire Management,” 11
4. Loukas Koungoulos and Melanie Fillios, “Hunting Dogs Down under? On the Aboriginal Use of Tame Dingoes in Dietary Game Acquisition and its Relevance to Australian Prehistory,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 58, (2020): 1-14.
5. Michelle Mckemey, Emilie Ens, Yugul Mangi Rangers, Oliver Costello, and Nick Reid, “Indigenous Knowledge and Seasonal Calendar Inform Adaptive Savanna Burning in Northern Australia,” Sustainability 12, no. 3 (2020): 995.
6. McKemey, Ens, Rangers, Costello, and Reid, “Indigenous Knowledge and Seasonal Calendar,” 995.
7. Christina Eisenberg et al, “Out of the Ashes: Ecological Resilience to Extreme Wildfire, Prescribed Burns, and Indigenous Burning in Ecosystems,” Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution 7, (2020): 1-12.
8. Christopher I. Roos, Maria Nieves Zedeno, Kacy L. Hollenback, and Mary M. H. Erlick, “Indigenous Impacts on North American Great Plains Fire Regimes of the Past Millennium,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 32 (2018): 8143-8148
9. Nickolakis and Roberts, “Indigenous Fire Management,” 11.
10. Loukas Koungoulos and Melanie Fillios, “Hunting Dogs Down under?” 2.
11. Kim-Ly Thompson et al., “Indigenous Food Harvesting as Social–Ecological,” 1085.
12. George Colpitts, “Peace, War, and Climate Change on the Northern Plains: Bison Hunting in the Neutral Hills during the Mild Winters of 1830-34,” Canadian Journal of History 50, no. 3 (2016): 420-441.
13. Kim-Ly Thompson et al., “Indigenous Food Harvesting as Social–Ecological,” 1085.
14. Kim-Ly Thompson et al., “Indigenous Food Harvesting as Social–Ecological,” 1085.
15. Lauren V. Weatherdon et al., “Projected Scenarios for Coastal First Nations’ Fisheries Catch Potential under Climate Change: Management Challenges and Opportunities,” PLOS ONE 11, no. 1 (2016): e0145285.
16. Nicole J. Wilson et al., “Community-Based Monitoring as the Practice of Indigenous Governance: A Case Study of Indigenous-Led Water Quality Monitoring in the Yukon River Basin,” Journal of Environmental Management 210, (2018): 290-298
17. Alejandro Frid, Madeleine McGreer, and Angela Stevenson, “Rapid Recovery of Dungeness Crab within Spatial Fishery Closures Declared Under Indigenous Law in British Columbia,” Global Ecology and Conservation 6, (2016): 48-57.
18. Francois Guindon, “Technology, Material Culture and the Well-Being of Aboriginal Peoples of Canada,” Journal of Material Culture 20, no. 1 (2015): 77-97.
19. Ibid.