Introduction
The Persian constitutional revolution of 1905-1911 years in Iran is one of the most significant events in the history of this country. Various assessments of the events that took place in Iran require an in-depth revision of the history of the constitutional revolution studying its background and impact of this revolution on the subsequent social and political development of the Iranian state and the Islamic world in general. Iranian researchers along with foreign scholars are engaged in the investigation of this event wherein the analysis is not only of a scientific but also of practical significance (see, for instance, studies by Farzaneh (2015) or Martin (2013)).
The immediate reason for the uprising was the order of Tehran Governor-General Ala al-Dole dated December 12, 1905, to beat with sticks soles of those merchants who raised the price of imported sugar allegedly violating his prescription (Ahmed n.d.). It caused unrest in the capital that grew by the summer of 1906. If in winter, rebels demanded to create a Court of Justice, before which all would be equal and the resignation of Prime Minister Ain al-Dole and the head of the Belgian customs Naoussa, in the summer, in Tehran, public demonstrations calling for the adoption of a constitution and the convening of the Majlis, in other words, Parliament began.
Socio-economical Background and Reasons
At the beginning of the XX century, the population of Iran was composed of numerous ethnic groups and tribes speaking different languages such as Persian, Turkish, Arabic, and others (Axworthy 2010). About half of the country’s population were Persians, one-fifth of the population was Azerbaijanis, who inhabited the north-western region of the country. In connection with the emergence of bourgeois relations, the national consciousness began to form in the country.
The level of economic development of different regions of Iran also did not present a uniform picture. More densely populated and economically developed areas bordered on Russia. The most backward in terms of economic development and population were the south and southeastern regions of Iran, where a monopoly dominated by Britain. In the Kerman region, slavery persisted largely. The vast majority of Iran’s population were peasants.
According to Khazen (2009, p. 88), “the bulk of peasants comprised landless laborers and poor peasants.” At the beginning of the XX, the number of state-owned lands considerably reduced. Growing connection of agriculture with foreign trade and its adaptation to the market demand led to the fact that plenty of feudal lords and landlords began to seize lands of small landowners and peasants using their political and economic situation (Daniel 2013). Acting under various pretexts, they ruined those lands and concentrated in their hands. Arbitrariness and excesses of landlords and local authorities dominated in villages. In addition, in some areas of Iran, a sale of peasants into slavery remained.
The position of nomads differed from peasants’ one. Chiefs became feudal khans that allowed them to operate the ordinary nomads. It was expressed in the fact that the latter had to graze cattle chiefs as well as to give them some of their livestock along with livestock products, bring them gifts, and perform other duties in their favor (Daniel 2013).
Fleeing from starvation, tens of thousands of disadvantaged described above went from Iran to Russia to work, namely in the Caucasus and Trans-Caspian region (Hopkins 2011). By the end of the first decade of the XX century, the number of Iranian migrant workers in Russia amounted to almost 200 thousand people. Russian revolutionaries spoke to them, and seasonal workers who returned home brought new ideas with them; these ideas were quite radical sometimes (Iran Chamber Society n.d.). These ideas were eagerly soaked by starving peasants at the turn of XIX-XX centuries when the food problem in Iran has escalated that led to sporadic hunger riots and public demonstrations.
Political Prerequisite
The constitutional revolution was principally caused by internal and external policies of the ruling Qajar dynasty that had no real social base and had to maneuver between the aristocratic clans pitting them against each other (Axworthy 2010).
Internal Factor
With the appearance of the imperialist interest of European powers in Iran, Qajar tried to shift between Russia and Great Britain gradually giving the country’s resources to foreign companies. One of the striking examples of onerous concessions granted to foreigners was a concession issued by Baron Reuter on the use of natural resources and laying the railways. As a result of the Qajar policy, at the beginning of the XX century, Iran has actually become a conglomerate of tribes and the rulers connected only by generic and personal ties (Iran Chamber Society n.d.). The national bourgeoisie was radically stifled by foreign monopolies.
From the political point of view, Iran was a monarchy. Qajar monarchs owned sole hereditary power. It goes without saying that Qajar’s reign was rather oppressive (Farzaneh 2015). The country’s finances were in a state of severe crisis. At the beginning of the XIX century, the state budget has an annual deficit of about 3 million dozers while the total income varied between 7-8 million dozers. The central source of government revenue was the meat, in other words, tax on land holdings, livestock, trade, and crafts, and customs duties. Charging the maliat carried out by local authorities and accompanied by violence and arbitrariness.
The state budget deficit was covered mainly by foreign loans, which further strengthened the dependence of the country on foreign capital. The current situation in the country threatened Iran with a complete loss of national independence and the transformation in a backward agrarian colony of imperialists. It caused resentment and dissatisfaction with the public (Martin 2013).
External Factor
Among the factors that led to the revolution, there is the development of constitutional ideas affected by contact with the outside world. It was considered that its developed economies highlighted the urgent need for reforms in all spheres of economy and social life of Iran (Martin 2013).
For instance, revolutionary newspapers played a major role in awakening the Iranians, in the formation of public opinion, in the development and dissemination of the ideas of the revolution, and in the spread of constitutional ideas. In their memoirs and works, Iranian travelers analyzed issues relating to the formation of constitutional ideas among, public and political figures. Judging from their diaries, it should be noted that almost everything surprised them including European attitude to women, industrial enterprises, weapon factories, a free press, and the judiciary and the parliament’s work. An interesting fact is that the Iranian thinkers perceived the constitutional revolution, unlike their predecessors. They interpreted the term “liberty” as a separation from real life. However, before the revolution, it was perceived in its Western sense (Axworthy 2010).
Against the Persian Constitutional Revolution, there were imperialist powers of Britain and regal Russia, which sent troops to suppress the revolutionary movement (Axworthy 2010).
Religious Background
The Muslim Shiite clergy took a very prominent place in the social and political life of Iran. Higher clergy owned plenty of feudal landowners. According to Bayat (1991, p. 118), “any competent person knowing the rules of sharia, who could read and write Arabic and interpret the sayings of the Koran would be a spiritual person.” Nevertheless, the position in society and the impact on the masses depended on the scholarship, eloquence, piety, and wealth. Clergy sanctified the existing order preaching that the whole social system and procedures based on the Koran, sharia, and the Hasidim. Due to the lack of Iranian civil law, all court cases were decided on the basis of sharia, in which the clergy played a major role.
In order to strengthen its influence, clergy used the so-called best custom – the right to grant to persons persecuted by the authorities the inviolable refuge in mosques and tombs (Sohrabi 2015). In the hands of the clergy also was control over all schools. Since the higher clergy enjoyed great influence and interfere in the affairs of governance of the country, some contradictions between it and the ruling Qajar dynasty existed. At the beginning of the XX century, this conflict intensified in connection with the attempts of Nasser al-Din Shah to imply several reforms into the judicial system. Precisely speaking, he wanted to limit the power of religious courts and introduce some Europeanization in the court.
Just one jolt was enough for spontaneous demonstrations to escalate into the mass struggle against the existing system (Martin 2013). The Russian Revolution of 1905 became the impetus for it.
Impact on the Islamic World
Indeed, it was a radical change in the system. The Iranians wanted changes that have occurred. Their state was stood out among the whole region by its great originality and identity. Ironically, Iran has long been and remains the most democratic state in the Middle East, a region that is controlled or ruled until the beginning of the “Arab Spring” by kings and emirs. Its rapid development was unpredictable. The Persian revolution has led to the adoption of a democratic constitution. However, its “western version” was softened by the fact that the guarantors of the Constitution were Muslim theologians with their tight focus on sharia law (Bayat 1991).
Although the movement spread throughout the country after 1907, after that the liberals left the camp of the revolution. The revolution did not have clear goals and popularization. The theory of export of revolution in this region failed to some extent.
The Iranian revolution was the first mass movement in the Islamic world which took place in the 20th century (Ahmed n.d.); it became the impetus for the beginning of the “awakening of Asia”. It was the commencement of a new era in the history of the East, the epoch of the bourgeois-democratic and national liberation revolutions in the East against feudalism and imperialist kabbalah aimed at national independence and democratic freedom.
It led to the proclamation of the constitution and the creation of the first in the East parliament – Majlis that existed for a long period of time (Martin 2013). The Middle East felt the need to protect its oil interests and the possibility of a tougher line in relations with Western countries. For example, the main oil company, Saudi ARAMCO was nationalized in 1980, in other words, immediately after the revolution in Iran.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it should be stressed that the situation described in this paper indicates very tense circumstances that arose in Iran. The Iran Constitutional Revolution, like other great revolutions, contained a wide range of ideas and goals that reflect the ideological trends taking place among intellectuals, constituting the social and political background of the revolution (Farzaneh 2015).
References
Ahmed, N n.d., ‘The Constitutional Revolution in Persia – 1906’, History of Islam. Web.
Axworthy, M 2010, A History of Iran: Empire of the Mind, Basic Books, New York. Web.
Bayat, M 1991, Iran’s First Revolution: Shi’ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909, Oxford University Press, New York. Web.
Daniel, EL 2013, The History of Iran, 2nd in, Greenwood, Santa Barbara, California. Web.
Farzaneh, M 2015, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution and the Clerical Leadership of Khurasani, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse. Web.
Hopkins, P 2011, ‘Iran’s Constitutional Revolution: Popular Politics, Cultural Transformations & Transnational Connections’, Iran & The Caucasus, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 337-340. Web.
Iran Chamber Society n.d., Constitutional Revolution, Iran Chamber Society. Web.
Khazen, 2009, Tribes, and Empire on the Margins of Nineteenth-Century Iran, University of Washington Press, Seattle. Web.
Martin, V 2013, Iran between Islamic Nationalism and Secularism: The Constitutional Revolution of 1906, I.B.Tauris, New York. Web.
Sohrabi, N 2015, ‘Iran between Islamic Nationalism and Secularism: The Constitutional Revolution of 1906’, The Middle East Journal, vol. 69, no. 1, pp. 144-146. Web.