Understanding the Cultural Differences of Psychological Disorders Analytical Essay

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Although the overall classification of psychological disorders appear to be universalistic in nature and scope, there exists compelling evidence to the effect that an individual’s cultural background colors every facade of illness experience, from linguistic construction and content of delusions to the distinctive meaning of expressed emotion.

It, therefore, becomes critical for caregivers and other stakeholders to consider the cultural background of individuals presenting with psychological disorders, along with their exposure to cultural change, if proper inferences of pathology are to be developed and the existing disorders recognized (Canino & Alegria 156).

This paper aims to determine the extent to which psychological disorders differ in their basic definitions and constellation of symptoms, as influenced by the various cultures and subcultures residing in the United States.

The sociocultural perspective on psychological disorders proposes that it is virtually impossible to entirely elucidate all forms of psychopathology without focusing attention to factors outside the individual – particularly the social and cultural factors that shape the context, or background, of what is considered as abnormal behavior.

Consequently, when this perspective is put into focus, available literature suggest that psychological disorders should be evaluated while paying close “…attention to social-cultural factors such as gender, age, and marital status; the physical, social, and economic situations in which people live, and the cultural values, traditions, and expectations in which they are immersed” (Bernstein 464).

When the sociocultural perspective is put into consideration, it becomes clear that the multiplicity of factors projected influences not only what is and is not labeled as ‘abnormal’ by society, but also who exhibits what kind of disorder and how serious does the society within the cultural context perceives the disorder (Versola-Russo 90).

Having laid the groundwork for the discussion, it is essential to look at the specific examples of how the psychological disorders are looked upon differently under the cultural context in the United States. It is a well-known fact that gender and the roles that are allocated to each gender, male or female, are cultural specific (Lewis-Fernandez et al. 215).

In this light, it has been reported that “…the greater tolerance in many cultures for open expression of emotional distress among women but not men may contribute to the fact that women report higher rates of depression than men do” (Bernstein 464).

In the cultural context, it has been found that a large percentage of African American women are affected by depression than what is reported for Caucasian women and Hispanic women, a fact that has been attributed to poor coping mechanisms, weak family systems, and oppressed identity due to the male-dominated viewpoint of society (Lewis-Fernandez et al. 213).

In most African American families, the man is considered as the sole breadwinner of the family, and women are supposed to look upon the men for social, emotional and financial support.

This cultural arrangement occasions great emotional turmoil on African American women in the eventuality that the man fails to deliver, leading to higher incidences of depression. On the contrary, most Caucasian women are socialized to be independent early in life, and thus develop effective coping mechanisms to face life challenges later on (Canino & Alegria 160).

Moving on, it is evident that some cultures view excessive consumption of alcohol as appropriate while others view it as less appropriate.

Available psychological literature demonstrates that this perception may set the stage for rates of alcohol abuse that are higher in some cultures than in others, and, consequently, alcohol abusers in cultures that allow excessive consumption of alcohol may be perceived as having alcohol-related psychological disorders than those individuals who come from cultures that restrict alcohol use (Bernstein 464).

For example, many African American men are deemed to be suffering from alcohol-related psychological syndromes than Asians and Hispanics residing in the United States, probably due to the cultural construct of what constitutes excessive consumption of alcohol.

This observation provides credence to the assertion that specific symptoms of alcohol-related psychological dysfunctions tend to be at variance depending on an individual’s cultural background (Canino & Algeria 161; Bernstein 464).

In anxiety-related psychological disorders, it has been observed that many Puerto Rican and Dominican Hispanic Women residing in the United States often experience what is referred to as “attacks of the nerves.” These attacks come in the form of heart palpitations, shaking, elevated nervousness and seizure-like occurrences (Bernstein 464).

While these behavioral orientations can be expressed by Puerto Ricans and Dominicans as a standard way of reacting to an uneasy situation, they are viewed in the mainstream white community as critical indicators of anxiety-related psychological disorders (Lewis-Fernandez et al. 215).

This, therefore, implies that what is viewed as ‘abnormal’ behavior by individuals of a particular culture can pass as ‘normal’ behavior when evaluated within the context of a different cultural grouping.

In mental illness, culture is again central in determining how individuals communicate and exhibit symptoms associated with this condition, their coping mechanisms, their social and psychological support systems, and their enthusiasm to seek either traditional or conventional treatment (Versola-Russo 92).

In many traditional African American families, mental illness was perceived to have a demonic orientation, and spiritual healing through prayers was the preferred way to treat individuals manifesting symptoms of a mental illness. Most African families who have immigrated to the United States to date view cases of mental illness as arising from witchcraft, implying that they have no cure (Canino & Alegria 161).

In the mainstream white community, however, mental illness is viewed as a culture-general disorder that should be treated using psychiatry-oriented medical interventions (Lewis-Fernandez et al. 220).

The above discussion demonstrates that the perception of psychological disorders not only varies within the cultural dynamics, but this variation fundamentally influences the diagnosis, treatment, management and reintegration of individuals suffering from these disorders back into the society (Versola-Russo 92).

Of course, there exist many other examples of psychological disorders that could be used to demonstrate this variation; but the examples sampled and used in this paper provides enough ground for the assertion that the overall classification of psychological disorders cannot be complete without considering the social-cultural context.

Works Cited

Bernstein, Douglas A. Essentials of Psychology. 5th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. 2011.

Canino, Glorisa & Margarita Alegria. “Psychiatric Diagnosis – Is it Universal or Relative to Culture?” Journal of Child Psychology & Psychiatry 49.3 (2008): 156-165. Web.

Lewis-Fernandez, Roberto, Devon E. Hinton, Amoro J. Laria, Elissa H. Patterson, Stefan G. Hofmann, Michelle G. Craske…Betty Liao. “Culture and the Anxiety Disorders: Recommendations for DSM-V.” Depression & Anxiety 27.2 (2010): 212-229.

Versola-Russo, Judy M. “Cultural and Demographic Factors of Schizophrenia.” International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 10.2 (2006): 89-103.

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