Bureaucracy, Class and Mao’s Continuous Revolution Essay

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The Cultural Revolution in China, which was a massive political crisis, formed the country’s political foundation. Notably, widespread violent rebel attacks on government institutions and Chinese communist party (CCP) structures characterized the Cultural Revolution. Mainly, Chinese people used Cultural Revolution to express their historical and social based problems (Wu 18). Specifically, Cultural Revolution meant to deter the penetration of bourgeois ideas and elements into revolutionary ranks. Primarily, Cultural Revolution magnified small conflicts into large clashes regarding identities, polarized political factions, and programs (Wu 20).

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This essay paper presents a summary of Wu Yiching’s views on Chinese Mao’s Era in the article “Enemies from the Past: Bureaucracy, Class, and Mao’s Continuous Revolution”. In particular, the article reviews the assumption of the Chinese leadership by revolutionaries, the formation of cadre classes, the classification of Chinese people, and the entry of former leaders (KMT) into the communist leadership ranks.

When Revolutionaries Became Rulers

After the formation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, CCP encountered numerous challenges such as aligning radical social transformations with socialist objectives, strengthening the nation’s position in the interstate system, and meeting the primary needs of the disadvantaged population (Wu 23). Mainly, prolonged wars compelled CCP to use authoritarian and severe forms of rule to increase political repression, tighten information control, and strengthen the one-party system. Notably, the new communist state relied on a large number of workers; that is, 720,000 (1949) and 17 million (1973) cadre corps.

In the mid-1950s, the socialist state created a comprehensive system of cadre ranking. Particularly, there were 30 personnel ranks. Notably, grade 1 (state chairman and vice-chairmen) earned 560 Yuan; while, grade 30 earned 18 Yuan (Wu 25). On special privileges, the system determined cadre’s salary, the size of the house, eligibility of official car, personal nurse, chef, domestic servant, and, access to specialized medical facilities, schools (for children), foreign films, bathtubs, telephones, and books (Wu 25).

The expansion and consolidation of state and party bureaucracy led to authoritarianism, bureaucratism, abuse of power, corruption, conceit, commands, and complacency (Wu 29). To avoid Hungary’s related problem, in 1956 Mao allowed people to engage in labor strikes, make unfavorable comments, boycott classes, protest in rallies, and petition. However, in 1957, Mao’s leadership halted the criticism movement through the Anti-Rightist Campaign.

Socialist Bureaucracy and Ruling–Class Formation

Mainly, the doctrine of continuous revolution and the fundamental theory of class formation contained numerous interconnected but divergent interpretations such as the remnant influence of prerevolutionary elite, focus on the emergence of new bureaucratic class and emerging socioeconomic inequalities within the socialist society (Wu 36). Again, CCP focused on reducing consequences regarding lifestyles, interpersonal deference, and consumption patterns instead of dealing with differences in power, income, and educational skills.

Mao’s political conduct and attitude of defining social class were unstable and vague as they classified cadres as (1) good, (2) relative good, (3) those who made serious mistakes, and (4) a small number of antiparty rights (Wu 37). Besides, the Maoist notion of new bourgeois elements was broad and more heterogeneous in that it included cadres, their offspring, embezzlers, speculators, vested interest groups, bourgeois academic authorities and various black categories.

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Class as Classification

Before the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese were labeled based on the class status of the male family head, which corresponded to his position at the CCP’s nomenclature of class (Wu 39). During the land reform period, class status was based on a socioeconomic scale comprised of property owners, rich peasants, poor and middle peasants, and landless laborers. Before land redistribution, party workers inquired about property holdings, occupations, and family background of villagers. After 1949, PRC had over 60 class categories of people (Wu 39). In rural areas, the main categories included workers, poor peasants, rich peasants, and landlords. In urban areas, residents were classified as urban poor, worker, or capitalist.

Codification of class was assimilated into the wider network of party control, political campaign, and social mobilization (Wu 42). Chinese institutions favored proletarians and discriminated against the bourgeoisie. In schools for instance, academic fields were classified as “highly restricted” or “top secret” (juemi), “restricted” or “secret” (Jimi) and “open” or “nonrestricted” (Liban) (Wu 43). Notably, an individual was classified as unsuitable for admission, eligible for nonsensitive fields, or eligible for restricted fields.

How the Old Bottle Spoiled New Wine

As Mao feared, the bourgeoisie, KMT functionaries, landlords, rich peasants and imperialists managed to infiltrate into CCP ranks as cadres and veteran revolutionaries or through representatives of the bourgeoisie. In some areas, the CCP leadership was held by landlords, counterrevolutionaries, rich peasants, bad elements, regenerate elements (Wu 49). Notably, Liu Shaoqi was a capitalist power holder, a traitor, and a KMT secret agent. Again, Zhang Chunqiao (Mao’s trusted theoretician) was a KMT special agent and CCP renegade. Besides, Wang Hongwen (CCP vice chairman handpicked by Mao) was a former Shanghai rebel leader.

Conclusion

The Cultural Revolution defined China’s political foundation as a country. The new government faced immense challenges such as meeting the basic needs of the deprived populace and matching radical social transformations with socialist objectives. Notably, the prolonged war compelled CCP to use an authoritarian form of leadership. In the 1950s, China witnessed the creation of cadre ranking with defined salaries, size of houses, official cars, domestic servants, telephones, books, schools, and foreign films. Again, PRC had over 60 class categories, which included classification such as workers, poor peasants, rich peasants, workers, urban poor, and landlords. Latterly, the bourgeoisie, KMT functionaries, landlords, rich peasants and capitalists penetrated into CCP ranks.

Work Cited

Wu, Yichang. “Enemies from the Past: Bureaucracy, Class, and Mao’s Continuous Revolution.” The Cultural Revolution at the Margins: Chinese Socialism in Crisis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. 17-52. Print.

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IvyPanda. 2020. "Bureaucracy, Class and Mao’s Continuous Revolution." July 7, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/bureaucracy-class-and-maos-continuous-revolution/.

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