Introduction
For several decades, indigenous people have continually presented subpar outcomes in the key indicators of well-being. This has largely been linked to the effects of colonization on these marginalized groups. However, the enactment of several international laws has significantly boosted the survival of indigenous communities worldwide. In this case, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP) passed in 2007 safeguards the cultural and identity rights, health, language, and education of all aboriginals (Xanthaki et al., 2017). It also supports their full participation in issues affecting them. Self-determination (tino rangatiratanga) is the greatest aspiration for the Māori people, who represent approximately 17.1% of Aotearoa’s population (New Zealand Government, 2021).
According to the Māori, tino rangatiratanga is critical in ensuring collective and individual well-being (Te One & Clifford, 2021). This is because government-led solutions are ineffective unless reconceptualized based on Māori cultural knowledge and incorporate Māori leadership in their design and implementation. Treaty settlements and Whānau Ora have significantly contributed to building Māori self-determination in Aotearoa.
History of the Treaty of Waitangi
The treaty of Waitangi is a pact signed by the Māori community and representatives of the British Crown in 1840. It was signed in the presence of Māori chiefs (rangatira) and aimed at creating harmony between the indigenous community and the British settlers (Luetjens et al., 2019). The treaty stipulated that the Crown becomes the sovereign power in the region but safeguards the rights of the Māori people to retain their forests, land, and fisheries, among other economic resources (Luetjens et al., 2019). However, the government breached the treaty by purchasing and confiscating Māori land, leaving them with inadequate reserves.
To address the treaty breaches, the Waitangi Tribunal was established in 1975 and later amended in 1985 (Luetjens et al., 2019). This body allows the Māori community to reclaim their property as a tribe or kin. Research indicates that by 2018, the tribunal had handled 73 settlements that had been enacted into law, amounting to $2.24 billion (New Zealand Government, n.d.). Thus, this committee is critical in establishing Māori’s autonomy over their property.
The Contributions of Treaty Settlements to Building Māori Self-Determination
In Aotearoa, tribal development is mainly driven by the treaty settlement approaches. These agreements have allowed the repatriation of various economic resources to different Māori tribes, enabling them to determine their development trajectory on their own. Most treaty settlements largely deal with land issues (Wynyard, 2019). As a result, the Māori community has been able to regain large tracts of communal land. For instance, in the 1990s, the government repatriated huge parcels of ancestral land in the South and North Islands confiscated during the land wars of 1860s (Luetjens et al., 2019).
The reinstatement of such lands to the Māori communities has allowed them to freely pursue their economic development (Howard-Wagner et al., 2018). In this case, some tribes have significantly engaged in agricultural activities where they farm or keep livestock for financial purposes. Therefore, the repatriation of land from the government to Māori tribes gives them more control over their land, enhancing their commercial development.
The treaty settlement process has facilitated the reconstruction and reinforcement of formal institutions of tribal self-governance. In this case, the repatriation of land has supported Māori communities’ resettlement in their ancestral lands. These tribes are led by leaders who advocate for their interests, thus advancing their aspirations to foster economic growth (Webster & Cheyne, 2017). This implies that the Māori have the autonomy to choose their own leaders at the tribal level to represent their concerns to the relevant authorities. These tribal organizations influence local governance because they partly contribute to decision-making, particularly regarding environmental concerns. For instance, Te Whakaaetanga ma te Whakakotahinga a Rōpū Whakahaere is a board of management involving the Tūwharetoa Māori Trust Board and Taupō District governance (Webster & Cheyne, 2017).
Through this joint agreement, the Māori can propose changes to their lands. The tribal Māori administration also participates in decisions involving the community’s resources, such as forests, rivers, and lakes. Therefore, treaty settlements have enhanced Māori’s self-governance at the tribal levels allowing them to decide on issues that affect their lives, such as environmental management.
The treaty agreements have led to the recovery of natural resources, further improving Māori’s economic progress. For example, in the 1990s, the first settlement gave the Māori community the majority shares of the Sealord Group, the biggest fishing company in Aotearoa and the sixth largest worldwide (Luetjens et al., 2019). In addition, in 2008, the community received approximately NZ $420 million worth of forestry assets (Luetjens et al., 2019). The deal, which is the largest in the history of resettlements, allocated about 435,000 acres of commercial forestry land to 100,000 Māori located in central North Island (Luetjens et al., 2019).
Therefore the repatriation of natural resources has enabled the Māori to freely dispose of such assets in ways that guarantee the community’s economic development (Evans, 2018). Compared to other ethnic groups in Aotearoa, the Māori are the most economically and socially underprivileged (van Meijl, 2020). A majority of them live under deplorable conditions and have high unemployment rates. Nevertheless, due to the treaty settlement process, the Māori have restored their economic bases and created strategies to protect the community’s interests.
The repatriation process has significantly revitalized the Māori culture, further advancing their self-determination. The colonization of the Māori people led to the erosion of traditional customs and loss of cultural identity (McMeeking, 2019). In addition, the confiscation of ancestral land further weakened their culture because it promoted individualism as opposed to collectivism which defined their way of life before colonialism. However, the treaty settlement process has helped return Māori’s natural resources, thus improving their culture. Reinstating land to different tribes has fostered communism, where the people can continue sharing common customs and values, such as the Māori language, which was almost eroded due to increased urbanization (Orange, 2021).
Not to mention, the place names used for physical features such as rivers and mountains have been restored to their original Māori names improving the community’s cultural identity (Pirsoul, 2020). Similarly, the treaty settlement has helped the communities regain their cultural treasures and remains of their ancestors, which were seized during the colonial period (McClure, 2022). Thus, the treaty agreements have strengthened Māori culture by allowing them to freely practice their customs.
The treaty settlement process has promoted the self-identification of the Māori. This community has a very close attachment to their lands; hence, reconnecting with ancestral lands rebuilds their self-identity. In addition, the repatriation of communal lands has further boosted the Māori language and culture (McMeeking, 2019). This is because it has promoted the migration of younger generations to ancestral lands where they can learn about their cultural practices and norms, including vernacular languages. Similarly, the restoration process has allowed the younger Māori people to improve their self-identity by reconnecting with their genealogy, including whānau (family), hapū (subtribes), and iwi (tribes) (McMeeking, 2019).
The recovery of land and monetary compensation has empowered several tribes to build schools that exclusively teach about the Māori culture. Equally important, regaining communal lands has fostered the adoption of traditional diets among the Māori people (McMeeking, 2019). Furthermore, repatriating natural resources to the Māori has helped rekindle the people’s religious practices because they have a spiritual attachment to their land (Rameka, 2018). Thus, treaty settlements have enhanced Māori self-identity through cultural traditions, boosting their self-determination.
The Concept of Whānau Ora
Whānau Ora is a program centered exclusively on family well-being. The context of this model is that the development, sustainability, and self-determination of the Māori community can be guaranteed through collective well-being, which in turn influences the individual quality of life (McMeeking, 2019). Whānau Ora also focuses on the interdependency of cultural, social, environmental, and economic aspects of well-being. This concept is grounded on the notion that Māori’s transformation and development must be led by its people based on their culture and knowledge (McMeeking, 2019).
Allowing communities the right to direct their aspirations based on their traditions and beliefs builds on their self-determination. The Whānau Ora is founded on whānau-centered and strength-based strategies to help the Māori attain social gains (Lawson-Te Aho et al., 2019). These approaches have critically contributed to identifying and building the aspirations and capabilities of the Māori family units in creating their own solutions. As a result, Whānau Ora has significantly transitioned policy changes and restructured service delivery promoting whānau-initiated transformations.
The Contributions of Whānau Ora to Building Māori Self-Determination
The Whānau Ora framework has facilitated the provision of vital resources to nurture and implement Māori-led initiatives. The Whānau-centered and strength-based strategies have promoted close collaboration between service providers and diverse Māori families to identify their plans and work towards realizing them (McMeeking, 2019). In addition, this model has contributed to the creation of navigator roles throughout the country.
These professionals work directly with the Māori whānaus as advocates, brokers, holistic supporters, and facilitators to help create whānau plans. The collaboration between navigators and the whānaus is critical in identifying strengths, nurturing their aspirations, and providing multidisciplinary support to gain the necessary services, resources, or opportunities relevant to developing whānau plans (Kake, 2019). Setting goals, enhancing skills, and successfully achieving the whānau aspirations have significantly contributed to building the Māori self-determination. Therefore, the Whānau Ora model allows the Māori to access vital resources to implement their own plans based on their cultural, economic, and environmental values, boosting their autonomy.
The Whānau Ora model has led to the establishment of financing mechanisms to fund Māori-led projects. This framework supports Māori self-determination by enabling whānau-led transformations. In this case, Whānau Ora fostered the creation of the Whānau Integration, Innovation, and Engagement (WIIE) Fund, where the Māori families could request financial assistance to implement their whānau plans (McMeeking, 2019). The WIIE Fund, which operated from 2010-2014, provided micro-grants to over 2,000 families to develop projects in diverse areas such as housing, education, and health (McMeeking, 2019).
For instance, WIIE funding offered finances to an extended family to jointly reconstruct their home in their ancestral land (papakāinga) to provide a habitable environment for the family’s younger generations. Similarly, the formation of the Whānau Ora Commissioning Agencies has further advanced Māori-led initiatives by providing government funds to facilitate the projects (McMeeking, 2019). Since the entities are independent of the government, they can effectively finance whānau-led plans, generating cultural, social, and economic benefits for the Māori communities. The provision of finances has accorded the Māori the autonomy to pursue their aspirations based on cultural values.
The Whānau Ora program gives the Māori decision-making authority over their way of life and investments. The idea of self-determination is grounded on autonomy over development based on the power to make choices. In this case, the Whānau Ora model allows the Māori to determine their developmental priorities (McMeeking, 2019). The resources and finances channeled towards the families are aimed at implementing the plans initiated by the Māori people based on their communal needs rather than directives from the government. The capability of this community to control how and when to invest as well as where to source funds is proof of the Māori self-determination in Aotearoa. This is because, in the past, such decisions were controlled by the British Crown and later the government. Therefore, through Whānau Ora, the Aotearoa government has transferred significant power to the Māori, giving them the freedom to control their destinies, which is the most direct way to self-determination. This decision-making power empowers the Māori communities to direct their development in all aspects of their lives and define their future.
The creation of the Whānau Ora program and the formation of commissioning entities have accorded the Māori a right to choose their governing institutions. Constructive self-determination regards the participation of indigenous communities in developing governing institutions as a form of self-determination (McMeeking, 2019). In this case, the Whānau Ora initiative was planned and structured by Māori leaders and other experts through a task force, which collaborated extensively with Māori tribes across the state to get their consensus and aspirations. With the growth and evolution of the Whānau Ora, different categories of Māori governance emerged at the local, regional, and state levels (McMeeking, 2019).
This was to ensure that the program continued to represent the community’s views. In addition, the commissioning agencies allowed the Māori to choose the best entities charged with the responsibility of channeling funds to them. This extensive involvement of the Māori in determining their aspirations and governance can be considered a form of self-determination because, usually, policymaking is a government’s mandate. However, from its conception to implementation, the Whānau Ora policy has been governed by the Māori.
The Whānau Ora has significantly contributed to the capability development of the Māori, improving their self-determination. Due to the decades of colonial disempowerment, it is necessary for the Māori community to rebuild their skills to increase control over their lives and the authority to pursue their aspirations. The Whānau Ora has aided the capability building of the Māori at the macro and micro levels (McMeeking, 2019).
At the state level, the program has enhanced the skills and abilities of the Māori involved in transformation agendas. Additionally, at the micro level, the Whānau Ora has enabled the whānau and Māori communities to develop creativity, innovation, and problem-solving skills through designing and implementing initiatives that benefit their people. Similarly, through Whānau Ora, communities can access resources and finances to strengthen their people’s culture and economic capacity. For instance, Omaka marae requested investment from the commissioning entities aimed at facilitating the teaching of the local languages and cultural practices to their younger generations (McMeeking, 2019). Such projects implement Māori’s aspirations, enabling them to continue envisaging and designing plans to advance their communities’ dreams.
Challenges Affecting the treaty Settlements and Whānau Ora
Treaty settlements and Whānau Ora have significantly boosted Māori’s self-determination. The repatriation process has enabled these indigenous communities to reconnect with their ancestral landscapes and regain their natural resources giving them the autonomy to plan for their futures. Alternatively, the Whānau Ora has extensively availed the much-needed help and finances to implement Māori- led projects. However, despite the efficiency of treaty settlements and Whānau Ora in building Māori self-determination, these initiatives are limited in several ways. The main challenge facing the treaty settlement procedure is that despite transferring assets to Māori communities, tribal governance does not have decision-making power on pertinent issues concerning the people (Luetjens et al., 2019).
This is because, in Aotearoa, tribes lack political autonomy, which may hinder Māori’s self-determination. On the other hand, the primary weakness of the Whānau Ora is that since it is a government policy, it may be abolished or eroded due to political vagaries (McMeeking, 2019). Therefore, it is evident that the treaty settlements and Whānau Ora to are limited in their quest to ensure continuous and exclusive self-determination of the Māori.
There is a need for strategies to ensure treaty settlements and Whānau Ora continue supporting Māori’s development aspirations. As a result, a constitutional transformation has been proposed as the most viable solution to guarantee the Māori the political, social, cultural, and economic autonomy they have demanded over the decades (Mutu, 2019). This is because the constitution would guarantee that all Māori assets are effectively restored to the people. In addition, laws in a constitution cannot be affected by political vagaries, which implies that once the Māori tribes get their autonomy, future shifts in the country’s political landscape cannot alter or compromise their self-determination.
Conclusion
In conclusion, indigenous communities around the world are advocating for self-determination. Over the years, many aboriginal people have experienced social, political, and economic deprivation due to the impacts of colonization. In this case, self-determination is the greatest objective for the Māori people in Aotearoa. These indigenous people perceive self-determination as crucial in ensuring collective and individual well-being. The treaty settlement system and Whānau Ora have significantly helped in strengthening Māori self-determination. In this case, the treaty settlements have facilitated the transfer of vital assets in the form of land, fisheries, and forest enabling this community to create their futures.
Through this repatriation process, the Māori can plan their aspirations based on their cultural values. Alternatively, the Whānau Ora has further advanced Māori self-determination by devolving the power of decision-making to them and providing resources and adequate finances to fund Māori-led initiatives. Nevertheless, the treaty settlements and Whānau Ora are still limited in their capacity to build Māori self-determination because they lack political autonomy. Therefore, constitutional transformation is required to guarantee continuous growth in the self-determination of the Māori community.
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